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Debate In The Senate

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(i.v continuation) Thuhsdat April 20. Mr. I liave listened tr this debate with a gO"d deal of intorest. But, while I have seen considerable excitomenl exhibited on the part of a few gentlemen around me, I confeSsj that I have not been able to work myself into anything like a passion. I think tliat probably [ the Senator from New Hampshire has done ] mu oh to accomplish his object. His bilí is a very harmless tiling in itself, brought forward U this time, and under the present circumstance it has created a good deal of excitement amone gentlemen on this side of the chamber. Mr" CaihoüN, (in his seat.) Not the bilí - the occurrence Mr. Douglas. On the occurrence I desire to say a word. In the first place, I must congratúlate the Senator from N. Hampshire on the great i.nd most glorious triumph which he has acheived. He stands very promim-rrtly before the American people, and is I believe, tho only man who has a national nomination for the Presidency. I firmly believe that on this floor to-day, by the aid of the Senator from Smith Corohna and the Senator frorn Mississippi, he has moro than doiibled his vote al tlie Presidential election, and every man in this cliamber from a free State kows it ! 1 looked on with amazement for a lime, to see whether there conld be an understanding between the Sei alor from New Hampshire and his Southern friends, calciilritj rn o-ive hiru :ér:ui!!r3gorrtenti strength and power, in the contest. But I know that those distinguished Senator rrom the South, to whom 1 have referred.are incupable of such an understandinj ; yei I teil them that, if they had gone into a eiucus with the Senator from New Hampehire and, after a inght's study tind deliberation, had devisnd the best nvans to manufacture Abolítionism and Abolition votes in the North, they would have fallen on precisely the same kind of procedure which they have adopted to day. A few such exciting scènes sufficed to send tliat Senator here. I mean no disrespect to him personally, but I say, with his sentiments, with his principies, he could never have represented a free State of this Union, on this floor, but for the aid of Southern r.peeches. - It is the speeches of Southern m'en, representng slave states, going to an extreme, breathing a fanaticism as wild and as reckless as that of the Senator from New Hampshire, which créales Abolilionism in the North. The extremes meet. It is no other than Southern Senators acting in concert, and yet without design, that produces Abolition. Mr. Calhoun. Does the gentleman pretend to say tliat myself, and Southern gentlemen who act with me upon the occasion, are fanatics t Have we done anything more than defend our rights, encroached upon at the North 1 Am I to understand the Senator that we make Abolition votes by defending our rights 1 Jfso, I thank him for the infonnation and do not care how many such votes we make. Mr. Dnuoi.As. Well, I will gay to the Senator f rom South Carolina, and every other Senator from iho South, that far be it from me to entertain the tiiouglit that. they designed I to créate tlie north or elsewhere. Far l)e it from meto impute any such design! - Yet I assert that such is the only inevitable effuct of their conduct. Mr. Cai.houn, (in his scat.) We are only defending ourselves. Mr. Dduglas. No; they are not defending themsrlves ! They suffer themselves to liecome excited upon :his question - to discuss it with a dogree of heat and give it an importance which makes it heard ar.d feil tlirough the Union. It is thus that Abolition derives its vitality. My friend from Mississippi, [Mr. Foote] in bis zeal and excitement tlm morning, made a remark, in the invitation which he extended to the Senator from New Hampshire to visit Mississppi, which is worlh ten thousand votes to the Senator; and I am confident that that Senator would not allow my friend to retract that remark for ten thousand votes ! Mr. Foote. Will you allow me 1 Mr. Douglas. Certainly. Mr. Foote. I f the effect of that remark will be to give to that Senator al! the Abolition votes, he is fáirly entitled to them. Had the Stnator from Illinois lived where I have resided - had he aoen insurrection exhibiting its h'ery front in the midstofthe men, women.and otiildren of tho community - had he had reason to believe that the machinery of insurrection was at snph a tirne in readiness for purposes of the most deadly character, involving life, and that deurer than life, to every Southern man - had he witneiied such scènes, and believed that movements like that of this morijing were calculated lo engender feelings out )f ivhich were to raise fire, blood and desolation, the destruction finally of the South - he would regard himself a traitor to the best seniment of the human heart, [ ho did not speak out the language of manly denunciations. I can use no other language. I cannot but re peat my conviction, that any man who daree to utter iuch sentiments as those of the Senator from New Hampshire, and altompts to act them out, anywhere in the the sunny South will meet death upon the scaffold, and deserves it ! Mr. Douglas. I must congratúlate the Senalor from New Hiimpshire on tlie accession of five thousand votes] Sir, 1 do not blame the Senator from Mississippi for being imligiiant at any man, from any portion of the Union, who would produce on incendiary excitement - who would kindie the flame of civil war - who would incite a negro insurrecüon, hazardin the life of any man in the Southern States. - The Senator has, I am aware, reason to feel deeply upon this subject. But I am not alto fsther naoquain with th ruHar stances of the section of the country to whicï be has alluded. I have lived a good portion of my life on the mmediate borders of a slave .State. I have seen the oppration of such eicitements as those of wliich he spenks, pon. both aides of the line. I can well nppreciat 'he excitad feelings willi wliich gentlemen in the South mut regnrd any ag'ttaied move - ment to get up insurrections mnongst th;r negro servants. Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. I do not wish to be considered as participating in tke feeling to which the Senator aüudes. I liave no fear of insurrection - no more than I have of my ccttle. I do not dread such incendlaries. - Our slaves are happy and contentcd. They sustain the happiest relalion thal iatjor can cus taiti lo capital. It is a paternal institution. - Thev are rendered miserable only by the uriwarrantable interlerence of thoM who knoyr nothing about that with wliich they mejd!u. I rest this case in no fear of insurrection ; and l wish it to be distinctly understood, that va are able to take care ot ourselves, and to punish al! incendiaries. It was the insult eílero : tü the instHutions which we have inheritcd thai provoked my indignation. Mr. Foote. Will the lionrablo Senat. allow me to make a remark ! Mr. With a great deal of pk-oiure. Mr. Foote. If it be understood tliat I expressed any fear of insurrection which might grow out of this movement, it a mistake. I gaid ihat such an atidacious movement as tilia could not be tamely subtniítcd to without encouraging its ajthor$ to ptocecd ; and that, Ï think, all wlio have spoken on thia side of th chamber enncur. Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. I did r,-,r intend to imply that my colleague had taken any such course as that which 1 discluim. Mr. Douglas. All thnt 1 intended to ssj was, that the effect of this excitement - of ei! these harsh expressions - will be the creatiou of Abulitionists at the North. Mr. Foote. The mere .o betteer. iuT ioüolas. The gentleman may ihink so; but some of us at the North do not coucur ' with him in that opinión. Ot course, the Senator from New Hampshire will ngree with him because he can fan the flanie of excitement so as to advance his política! prosppels. Atd I can also well nnderstand how gome gentleman at the South may quite complucenrly regard. uil this excitpment, if they can persuude their conlituents to believe tliat the institution of slavery rests upon their shmilders - that thsv are the men who meet the Groliath of the North in this great contest abou t abolition. It eivoi them strength at home. But we, of the N :: tli. who have no sympathy for abolitionists, desirs no such excitement. Mr. Calhoun. I must really object to tha remarks of the Senator. We are merely defending our rights. Suppose that we defend them in strong language - have we not a right to do so ? Surely the Senator cannot mean to impute to us the motives of low ambition. He cannot realizo our position. For myself, (and I presume 1 may speak for those who act with me,) we place this question upon hicó and exalted ground. Long as he may have üved in the neighborhood of ilave-holding States, he cannot have realized anything oti this subject. I must object entirely to hi course, and say, that it is at least as ofTensiv as that of the Senator from New Hamshire. Mr. Foote. Will the gentlemen frora Uünoi me a word ï Mr Douglas. In a moment. T ira iorry that tlie honornble Senator regards rnv language as offensive as that of the SenatoV from Now Hamshire. Will lie allow me to reroark, in the first place, tliat I did not suppose tliat I should ever he classed withlhe Senatorfrom New Hampshire on the subject of slaverv and, in the next place, that 1 did nnt say anything disrespectful to the Senator from South Carolina, or any one associated with him on this qu"ston. I did not iinpugn his motives. I said explicity that I did not regard him as being actuated by any but the purast motives Ho feit indignant at the recent OCCtirrenOM, and his indignation he regarded as being nar ural and proper. We of the free States shan: in tliat indignation. But I said the Senator from South Carolina, by the violent courso pursued here, had contnbuted to the result which we deplored, and that Abolitionism at the North was built up by Southern denum:ation and Southern imprudence. 1 stated thu. there were men of the North who are reac to take advantage of that imprudent and (jènunciatory course, and turn it to their own rccount, so as to make it revert upon the South. I announced in plain terms that truth a truth which every man from the free States nn fully realize; and, sir, 1, too feel upon tl.u subject, in asmuch as I have never desired to enlit. and never shall enlist, umler the ban ner of either of the radical factions on thil question. 1 luve no sympathy ('or Abolitionism on the one side, or that extreme course on the other, which is a kin to abolilionism. We are not willing to be trodden down, wlüUtyoa hazard nothing by your violence, which oniy builds uji youi' adversary in the North. Nor. does he hazard anything ; quite the conïrary - forhe will thus be enabled to keep conoentrated upon himself the gaze of the Abolitionists, who will regard him as the great charrni. on offreedom.who er.countersthe distinguishcd Senator from South Carolina and the Sol from Mississippi. He is to be upheid at the North, because he is the champion of Abolilion ; and you are to be npheld at the Souib, because you are the champions who meet liim ; so that it comes to tliis ; that betwocn tl. e two ultra partios, we of the North, who belong te noither, are thrust aside. Now we standup for all your constitutional rights. in wliicli we will protect you to the last. We go for the punishment of burplary, stealing, and any other ofthe lawsoftlie District: and if these law be not strong enough to prevent or punish these crimes, we will give to t'aem the adequate strength. On the other hand, we go for enforcing the laws against mobs, and any destruction of property by them.if tho laws be not strong pnough to suppress tbcm But we protest against being instruments puppeti - in this Slavery excitement, whicW can opérate only to your interest, and the 'o.-jl ding up of those wbo wish to pul you dOvI believe, sir, that in nll this I havo spoken V sentiment of every Northern man, wh0 „ L,, (cnNTINBED PBOSI PinsT PAGE,) on Aboliiionisis. My object was la PTpross Tny deep rpgrt-T, tlmt nny such exciti'ment i)nMi!i liavc grown out of ihe introduction ol tLis liill. Mr. FoOTEjIhotl supposed ttiat T had already sufficiently explained myself. No Southern man lias ever introiluced iliis question int o the halls of legislation. Of this, the Senator must be well aware. If he knows an instance to the contr.ny, I should be extremely glad to be inlbrmed of it. The question is not now bronght up by any mov-ment of onrs ; t s forred tipon us by tlie Senator from New Hampshire. The South lias been silent ; resting firnily, tlisrreetly, and with dignity, upon her richts, wbieh guarantied to us by theConstitution. It is only in defence ol lier acknowledijed rishts, tlifit she unriertakes to say anytliing. The Senator from New Hanipshire has now intioilured a bilí whicli is calculated to produce mischief. Are we to remain silent ? - or, ifwe use langUAge of just ndigmition, areweto be chargetl with endeavoring to make ourselves popular in the Somh ? Let me say to the Senator from Illinois, (bal this is a most ungenerous proposilion. He says that no iinn-oriby moiives lie at the foundation of this measure. Wby, I can imagine no more unworthy motive than nnprincipled demagogueism. I would scorn myself il I could lor n moment permit mysell' (o give countenance tonnytliing so tinwonliy. I would say, wilh hII pos.sible couriesy loihe Senator Trom Illinois, for wbom 1 entertain ÜS highesl respect, and whose general leelings ifjuslice lor us in tlie South we all underatantl snd appreciale, he will permij tne lo say to iiini in a spirit of perfect couitesy, that lliere are varioua ways ofbecomins; popular. Onr constiiuents will have confidence in us if they see we are ready here to mniniain their inieresis inviolatp. And it inay be, also, that the .Senator from New Hampshire will stre:ig'lien liimsflf in proportion as liis COndüCt iï üenounced. But I beg the Senator from Illinois to recollect, that there is another mode ofobtaining tliat populariiy, wliich isexpressed in the adage. " In medio tutissiinus bis," and that there is such a tlnng as winning golden opiniona from all sorts of people ; and it inay be that a man of mature power, young, and aspiring as he may do to high pitees, may couceive, 1 lint by keeping clear of all union witli the (wo leading faciion?, he will more or less strengihen hiinself with the great body of the American People, and ihus attain ihe high point of elevation to whicll his ambiiion leads. But if the Senator from Illinois ihinl that a niiddle conree in regard to this question is best calculated to serve his purpose, iie is mistaken. Mr. Douglas. The Senalor has hit it precisely vvhen he says, that somciimes the CORrse advised in the familiar adage which he has quoted, is, indeed, thecouise of duty and of wisdom. I do beliere that upon this quesÜon, that is ihe only course which can " win golden opinions" fom reflecting men throughout the country. Mr. Foorrc. (in bis seat.) " Golden opinions fj oij: all sorts nf peonle." Mr. DofGLAS. In the Norih, it is not experied llial we should iale ihe position thai slavery i.s a posiiivn good - a poaitive blesinir- l! we üid as-mme sucli i posiiion, il Wou ld be a very pertinent nqniiv, wliy do you not adopt iliis iiisiitiuion ? We have motildod mir insliinlions al llie Norili as we have thoughi proper; and now we say to you ol' the Soutli, il" s'avery be a blessing, t is your blessing ; fit he a curse, it is your curse ; enjoy it, on you rest all the responsibiliiy ! e are preparad to aid you in the niaintainaure of all your constitutional rights ; and I apprehend (bat no man, South or Norih, has shown inore consistenily a dispoüilion 10 do so ihan myseif. Froni first 10 last, I have eviuced that disposition. But my object was 10 i'iform ihe people of the Souih Irow it is llial gentlemen, professing the senlimenis of the Senator Tram New Hampshire, gut here ; how it is tliat they will see oiliers comin2 here wiih similar sentiment, unless tliey reflect more calmly and coolly, and take a different course and how ibis hnprudent and violent course s caieulaled (o ennh us who oppose Abolitionisrn. If any unpleasant feeliiiï bas been BSciled by ihese remarks of mine, I regret it. I knovv llial t is not alivays piensan! to teil ihe truih, plninly and holdly, when it comes home lo an individual. Bul wbat I have suid is ihe irufb, and we all know it and feel it. I iliink the iniroíliií.iion oflhia l)ill has been iü-tiiiuil. J doiilit is expediency in ;my circuiraiHticefl j bul, broughi np it present, i 'a peniliiirty ciilcnlíiteí] lo produce uimwessary exciieiin.Mii ; and I will Mover roiiíenl lo ihe iniroduciion of such a hül under ilie presen) ciicuiii-üiiiiccs. I un willing loinsiruct vour COnimiilee lo nquire whelher :my formti eislaiinn he iiecassary for ihe purpoe of suppressing k(ln:i))njr, mol)5, rioiin, nnd vinlence, in the Dis;iii oColuntbia. I im piepared lo nieet ilie re.-ponsiliiliry of pgíing the most stringent laws Bgainsi any iMo-rjil acts. This is my posilion. Myviewaínrelalion Id this sulijeel are well knowu. I luive ahvivs Bupported by my vote ilie rule excludirifí Abolilion peiitions. I voted vviih you ofiliü Sotiih lo sustaiii ü. It was repenled agninst my vote. I wnt ready lo stand liy it as lon is it was necessary for your proleclion. I will vote for any other mensure necessary to protert your r'iglns. Bul I claim ihe privilege of poinlinn; outto you hovv yon give strenih and encourngemeut to the Aholitionists of the North, by tlie inipiinlent expres5oii of what li;rant lo he jusi indination, ;iod wlijclj yot; tie.ein it lo be necessary so to uiterln self-defence. Mu'. Han.vega.v. No man in this Senatc can inore sincerely iv;ret than I do tlie ohIrusirm of lilis most peinifions qnesiion uto idj' to-day. ít has fallen npon us like a il mi witliei'ing simoom, as it alway d vhen i enters the halla of legialalinn. My views aiii' princilea upon tlie gubjvri bVQ fx-ffj wcpressed ai (lifF;rent periodí in both Him;s oICQnres?, dnring tin last fiflenn yers. Tbejr w entirely unclmied. nd will, I presum. be ewried by me unihaugéd lo üc grave. J cu.uiot fully coinciJe, in tjiis ujtance, with. my friend from lllinoia, with. hom, on moit occasions, I am so happy to agree. 1 oan never ridmh as n fact, here, ihai ihe Senaior from New ïïanipshire, in anitating this qucstion at this inopportune and most nauipicioua moment, whatever may have been ilie course of oiliers, has increased llie numberofits supporters among the enlightened people of this country. I do not think lliat the course which he has pursued this day luis been, in the slighlest degree, calculated (o advance liis views - f he have any, and I do nol say t!:at he bas - in relation to tlie Presidency. Neither do I impeach tlie motives of the honorable Senator in bringing formrd this bill ihus inopponunely. It is to be presurned tliat the bill hns had its origin in tliat high-wrought state offeeling witli which he has embarked in bis cause, as in nll oihers which he embraces. I vvill not lor an instant suffer myself to suppose tliat anything improper lurks beneath or beiiind thU movement. Nor, on the other hand, do I find fiiult with the rnanner in which this movement has been met, on the part of gentlemen representing in this body the riglitsand intere.ts of the people of the Souih. If ihey had f-iiled to meet itand denounce it, they would have been recreant to tlieir high trust - recreant to their most sacred obligationa - recreant lo the Constitution of their country. - Has there not been just cause of excitenieiil in the breasts of tliosu gentlemen; If the sceno enacted in the last week furnislies no justiücation for Ihat exciiement, I sbould like 10 know what couhJ ? Lel us pause, Mr. President, for a moment, and look at this case. A pirática! vessel steals into your river, beññng the lalse colon of honorable cotnnierce, anchors at your wiiarl, and, receiving on board nearly one liundred of the domestica of this District, makei all sail to carry off its cargo of plunder ! Was the South to sit in silence, and without alarm bcliold tliis andacious outrage ? As well expect a man to fold liij arms and remain unrnoved, when the serpeni; which b;is crawled into his abode, uncoils iiself upon his hearthstone, and iis deudly hisses ring in the ears of his children ! As well ask hiin to sit still and exhibit no exciteme nt, as to cali upon one hall of this Union to be unmoved in the cirrumstanres whicli notv surround us ? Sir, had t'iese gentlemen not manifesïed these leetings, iliey woiild indeed have been whal tlie Senator from New Ham)sliiie (ienominates those of:lieNorih who conscieutiously sus'ain ilw solenvn ohligations imposed by tliat oath which you administered, to support the Consiitution of the United Suites and all iis guarantees - ihey would indeed have been, in tliat case. " eraven, craven !" They would have been unworthy the companionsliip of men! I have taken my stand on this question, and I sliall maintain itat all hazards. I may see all my own poluical prospecta withere ' belbre my eyes, inconaeqiienceof tlie course wlücll I puisue on this question ; hut ihat considerallon deters me not from the discharge ofduly. Ifmy constituents think proper to desert me on tliis occasion, still I shall not sfiiink. Lei it ue reinembered, I look the storm intheeye, and I defy the thunderbolt ! Il' l fall, I shall fa II with the approval of my own conscience, and the preservation of my own self-respect. I seek no higher earthly reward. Nol insensible to tlie approbation of the people or the press, when iny course dcserves it, yet I have no fear of their clamor or invective, so long as I am sustained by a consci 'iitions sense of duty. In the spirit of t lie ineuiorable sentiment of the great Mansfield, uttered in one of his famous charges, 1 say, " It is true I ove popularity ; hut it is ihat popul.uity which lollows, not ihat which is run al'ier !', 1 desire that alone which spiinjrs from strict and steady ullierance to the dictatea o( my own conscience. In lilis case, Mr. I'iesident, ive have commeuced ;it ihe wrong end. In ihe closing remarka of my friend frotn Illinois I entirely concur. I sliould desire to see ibis aubjecl bronght belbre ihe Sánate in the fonn of a genera] resolution, directed to ilie Judiciary Coininiitee, vvhose first eme it slionld be, lo devise soine lavv for ihe preveniion and pnnislimeni of kidnapping in ihis District - thU piratveal robbery of alavés. That being done, I vvould go as lar as tlie Senator (rom New Harnpshira, or any man, ín the Buppressión of mobs. From the boiiom of my beart I despiae niobs. 1 never kuew ofa mob, I never lleartj or read ofa rnob, wiiatever t lie spirit in whieh it oiuinaled, tílHt (lid not residí in tlie commusipn of atrocitíea ai wliicli limn&nity sliudileied. The laws ofilie land shonld be competent for lite puoubinsnl of all offences. But I do not know ilmt ibera has heen any rio; n thi.s Di.stiict. Títere lias heen no riolalion ofibe ríghta of property hy a mob ; and 1 have no feara that tlie eiiizena of this Distr'ut will not able to preserve their hili and enviable reputation as a communiíy of hrv and order, by abttaining from aveiything like a resori to violence and forcé. They will, I :ini confident, al)ide in the protection ol the lavv ngaintfa ly violation of their rigbts. Mr. Dvií, of M issaclnisetts, I wisll before the vote is taken, to say a vvord or tvvo, for llie purpose of placing mysell' liht wiili regard lo this matter. 1 am not very apt to be carried away by any of the exciiedient.s llial soinetiines h.ive existence in this chainber; and I cannot say, at ihis moment, that I particípate at all in the exci'eniRnt wliicli secins io exiat in ihe rninds oTmány gentlemen liere. VV'hat is ll.e quesiion that is presented for this body to decide ? A slranger, eoming into this chamber, vvnukl suppose tlmt we liad liad sonie ineasure under consideraron wliicli Concerned the deepest interests of sla very - tbat we were abont to pass judgment upon sotne qnestion aft':cting that greai interest - that we wereahout to tegíítáíe npon the suhjtrt ín sonie way thativoulii nfFect it in a manwr injurions to the rihts of tho-se wlio oivn properiy of this description. Now, L [hink whocviT has listened lo the reading ol' ihis bilí, must be p itisfied ihal diere is no surh lliinj; conlained in it. ll'I unilerstand l, it proposers nothing which has any special refereni.e, under any construction that can be j;iven to it, to that particular description of property. We have laws which make nícipal corporationa liable for damage resulting from violence done to properly by popular tnmults, where stich rorporalion is lemis? in iia dmy in eiforcing order niul ubedience to tlie lavv. lfluaderstand ihe proposition ofthe honorable Senator from New Hampshire, he intends nothing more llian to j;ive security (o property. He proposes nothing beyond lilis. This s the whole matter undeí consideraron. But gentlemen say this isan unpropitious moment lo introduce ;1 qtiesliotl of ibis sort. And why unpro)itous 1 - Bec;uise, if I understand lliem rightly - and I earn i he fact fur tlie first time - a mob has BSsailed llie office of a newspaper in this city, and has rendered it uninhubiiable. Well, liow does lilis connect itself with the question nfsJarery? Why, it is said that from this office a newspaper issues, whicb is called an abolition paper. Sup)oseall this to betrue, it is added by the Senator from New Hampshire, that this paper is conducted in a températe manner, tliatit employs températe language, addresses tself to the reason and the nnderstanding oí the public, and that no complaint has been made against it by the public. Well, how far ibis mobocratic action s to be atlribuled to anotherevent vvhich has liappened in tliis District, is not for me to say. orne gentlemen seem to suppnse that it has some conneci'on vvith it. ll it has, I am nnalile to see it. The Senator froin New Hampsliire ihen introduces a measuie, and proposes to make the corporal ion liahle for the damages committed, in case (bey refuse to do beir duty Hndenforce the luv. Well. suri) a law exists n many ofthe States. But it is said ihsl iliis is a veiy peculiar state of (dingt. - Here was an abolilion press at work in this builiJing. Let me ask gentlemen wheth'-r they propose to stop the operations of the press - wheiher, in otber words, they propose to take avvay from it its freedoin ? It seems to me that we might learn a lesson, if vve vvould, froni wlnu is going on on the other side o the Atlantic. The agitation of ibis question alonp - the freedom ofthe press - has overthrovvn many of the thrones ofKnropO. Do yon propose by measures of violence, or by any oiher mode, to put an end to the discussion ofthe suWject, either by speeches or through the medium ofthe press? Whoever underlakes a work of this description has sot an hercutenn task upon bis hands - a task which he will find himsell" vvholly incompetent to accomplish. Well. whv is il that the Senate flies in the face of ibis ineasure, and objects to its reception ? And 1 put it to tbe cahn consideration oftbe Senator from South Carolina, and thoe who think with him,wheth(?r the inference I have made will not be made tliroiighout the country, and whether it will not be considered everyivliere an assault upon ihe lil)erty of the press and of speech ? - Wheiher it will not be irresistible, anrl wliether it will not make a lasting imprejsion upon the public mind ? I think thfi people wili reason in ibis way upon the suhject, and that they will hold out to ns, as the duty of ibis body, to take the suhject i uto consideration. Send t to a committee, let it be examined, ind not presume, as the honorable Senator from South Carolina does, that because its provisions do not cover the whole subject, ;t can not be made to cover the whole. If it does not answer the views of gentlemen, t can be made to do so. Then, why fly in its hce? Why take this very unusual course of refnsing to receive the measure at all? - Why gitnply because, by construc.tion and infere ce, it is supposed to have soine conncction with the question of slavery. - Now, is this wise ? Is it prudent ? Does it best accomplish the object wbich gentlemen have in view. wliich is to protect tilia kind of property? I have ever been one of that class of persons who have at all times considered ihemselvea bonnd by the terms of tlie Constituiion on this subject, and have stood ready to support tbe uarantees eontained in ihat iistioment. But, at tiio same time. I must confesa that I thoulit the honorable Senator lïorn Illinois, in the remarks wliich he mude here, utiered a great deal of wliolesome truili. l tliought lie adniinistered some wise, and prudent, and saluiary admonition in those remarks, worihy of ihe consideration of all parties : and I hope they will have iheir effect. I hope a linie reflection, a little consideration, will induce gentlemen to oliange he coure they have adopted on ibis subject, indio permet ihis mensure to take tlie usual course of le.'Mslation. Snppose we do come to a dU cussimi on ihe question, where. let me ask entlemen, is the liarm of discnnion ? Why, geiulemen ask, vvhni righl hare yon lo diseuss nur rihts of property inslaves? By what inllioiiiy do yon claim tlie privilege of inquiiin nto this maller ? Sir, wo mav have no riïht to (lisiiirh liiie rijriit of properiy ; we may have no right to affect the tille to it in any way ; no such rights may be claimed. Nevertheless, no one will deny to any ciiizen tlie lilii todiscuss the characler of properiy of this kind, and the effect wliich laws have upon such properiy. Who denies this riht, and wh(!re is it denied ? It belongs to freedom of specnlaiion u-hicli exists in every frpe and unlrammeled mini!. Men may advance very absurd iioiions ; they may reason very pivpoiterously ; ihey may reach vpry ïbsiird conclusión ; hut wliile the whole matter lie in diisenssion, veiy linie, in mv judirinenf, ia iained by tflrming tliat discussion incendiary in is cliar.icier. Why, do you expert 10 saiisfy the public mimi, when mankind disctisses the ques.tin of slavery, howcver important it may be o any portion of ibis couniry, and expresa thir opinions in regard to it - do you expect lo put them under foot bj sajringát is incendiary ? ( any gentleman flatter himself with bopes and expectations of tliH desciipiion, be is doorned to be disappointed. This dittuMÍon will go on - and ihe way lo meet error ia by confrontin il wiihirutli. Let the dic-ussion go on; lel it be fre everywhere. My own opinión is, tbat all considérate inínds, here and everywhere, aff enlirely disposed to atlhere to tho guarantees and compro. nises of the Constitution. and, instoad of beiii" wenkened bv discussion, tliey are at every step strengthened ; they at every step becomt? firmer and stronger bonds of ünion. Let no one try, if he can, to suppress discuswon. Every attempt to stop it vvill result, as in Europe, n one general sentiment, which wiM (rainple under foottlte power tliat attempts lo suppress i(. This will be ilie effect of sueli atte-npts. I invile, llien, my lïiends lo meet this question bolilly, fearlessly, and nol let ibis subject go to the public in the fjrm in which il now presente isulf - asa bilí presented here, rel&ting 10 nothing but tlie protection of pioperty against the violence of a mob, and denied ndmiesion io ibis hall and that table, bocause supposed to have soine indirect connection with the question of slavery. Let us take, sir, a inore manly view of the subject - one thm accords better with the character of liigh ininded men. Let il take its course here. Let it go to a committee let that committee examine it ; and if it does not, Grom any cause, meet yourapprobfltian wlieu it comes to he considered, (ben let other measures take ts place - let it take iis fate. But nolliing, sir, is to be gaiued by this unusual course. I assnre the gentlemen who represents thisslave interest, that instead of gaining they lose mucli, very much. Why, Mr. President, cannot eveiy gentleman see, and see pluinly, that wln;n this bill comps to be published, when the terms in which it is coneeived come to be read and understood, it will beseen that it is a measure differing in no esseniial material point from laws existing in many of the free Ötale3 and (ree countries everywhere - and, as a Senator near me says, in sume of the slave States - making corporations, under certain circumstanceü, liable lor the vioh-nce of mobs ? And whoiiver takes the ground that this bilí has been bioughl in at an unpropitioui moment, and for that reason denies it admission. assumes a responsibllity that he will sincerely wish by and by to get rid of. VVliat have we 10 do with the present movement, sii - with the particular and peculiar circumslances whic!) surround the question ? In my judgment, nothing al all. I do not undertuke to say what the motives were, of the Senator from New Hampshire, in introducing this bill; it does not beconie me tocnquire into thetn. It is enough for meto know, that if the prinliig office of the Union or National Intelligencer were assailad and injured by a mob, that it wou'd be my duty to inqtiire how t happened, and (vhetlier further provisions were required, in addilion to the present laws of the District, in order to suppress such dnlurbances. The care and deliberation I should feel myself bound, under such circumstances, to excercise wiih regard to the property of oihers, 1 should exrcise in (hu case. The same measure of justice I should mete out in other cases, I would mete out in this. The proteciion which I vvouid feel it my duty logive to the property of others, under all circnmstances, I would give in this case. And if it turns'out that this care is unworthily bestovved, that it does not demand legislation, then lel it take its destiny. But this is not the way to deal with it. It does not, in my judgment, have the sanction of deliberation. I have always been of the opinión, that nothing bas been gained by the opposition to the introduction of pelitions here. I believe, if the subject had been left open, and we had been allowed to go into the cousideration of the subject, gentlemen would havo found less exciteinent existing than bas been created by the opposiie course. It would have tended mueh more strongly, in my judgment, to tranquillize and harmonize the public mind. Under all the circumstances,then, how are we to act? I think the question is a very plain one. - Things are brought in and tnade to bear strongly on the minds of gentlemen which do not belong to this question at all. I shall vote for the reception of the bill, in order that it may take the usual course of legislation.