Speech Of Joshua R. Giddings, Of Ohio

Mr. Giddi.vos eaii!, tliat in the remarks ' which he proposed to maUc, he had no inlention of replying to any thing advanced by the gentleman wlio liad just resumed his seat, (Mr. Wick.) The general character of his remnrks (said i he) appoars to me ii lad tasle, neither puíted to the dignity of thía body nor to the occasion which has callad fnrth this discussion. Before entering upon ihe subject of the resolution u rider consideration, I say that, after so frequenlly expressing my views n regard to the powers of ibis Government concertiing slavery, after so often defending my position ' on that sul.ject, I could not have benevod that any gentleman here would hazard his repute tion for candor hy imputing to mean inteniion to interfere wiih tlie mstuution of slavery in the States. 1 cali the altenlion of the House and of the country, both North and South, to the fact, that no member in this Hall, no ! son out ofit has ever heard me, in public or in private, by speech, resolulion, or intimation, claim sucli power to be vested in this ! ernmeni, nor have they ever heard me desire the exercise of surh powers. For three days of excitcd discussion, in which nearly a dozen Southern gentlemen participated, I beleve all of them liave dislinctly or by implication, charged me with iuch designs. Now.sir, before lhe nation, I challenge the gentlemen to the pronf of what thev have asserted. If any man can l;iy ti i s hand nti any s;eech of mine, imy pesoliilion inlroduced, or any intimalion given liy me, clairning sucli power, or that I j desired exercise of' sucli powc, Ict him' now stand, forlh and arow if. I assert that ' tliese imputalions are nnfounded, entirely false, ! and nnworthy ot' gentlemen Imlding seats in ti n s body ; and I now cali upon tliose who have uttored them to stand up here before llie nalion and niaintain tlie truth of their asiertions. For that purpose I now cffer to vield tho floor to any member wlio dares to justifv theirnpu-i tations thus thrown out. (Mr. Giddings pausod for a short time, and no member risingf, he proceeded.) Mr. Speaker, where are t lióse ' gentlemen who, in thcir excited mnments, have charged me wítfi entertaining and utlering opimons in conflict wilh the Constitution which I arn sworn to support 1 It is a duty whicli I owe to myself, and those wbam I représent,! to disabuse the public mind of thosn impressíons. I disavow all such opiniuus, purposps, motiven, iind desiuf. The cnuntrv is aware that I w;is once driven ('ruin ibis HmM fnr darin to iifTcr rosoluiions denyinjj siich ppwers exisled in tlns (oven ment. I will nc'w repeat, perhaps for tbe hundredth lime lliul thfl penple of' ! lio slave States, n mv opinión, liold tbe nstiíution of slavery al ilie disposal of their own wiil, wiih supreine uid j unlimited power to onlinue or aholish it at ! their own pleasure ; that il is strictly a State iiistitiitmn, over wliich tliis body. nor the ': eral Government, possP9S any power [ er, except tlie power to legislate Cor the return of fugitive shives. And when I say tliis Gove'nroent has no power to interfere with slave-] ry, I mean just what I say. 1 intend to be understood as saying that ti; peopie oí" the free ' States have the same indisputable right to be free and exempt fioin the support of slavery which the slave States. havo to sustain it ; that tliis Govornrhent has no constitucional power i to involve us of ihe free States in the tude of slavery. We possess the positive, unqutklifiod, and indisputable right to rcmain exempt from its cominuation, uustaiued with its guilt, and disconnected with its crirnes. Wo will nnt extend that institution, nor créate slave markets, úpon soil that is nou free, nor will ' we associate with new slitveholding States.- I We deny the ciinstitutíonal power of this Government to coinpcl l he peo pie o I' the free States to associat with Mexican slavoholders, npon such terms as will gívo the owner of one hundred Mexican laves sn itifluence in this ernmtüit, and over Northern interests, equal j to sixty-one of our educated and intelligent freemen. We therefore hold it a cardinal principie never to increase the slave power in i the Se. late by admission of new slave States ; i nor shall we consent to any extensión of slave I power whatever. Oiir motto is - " Keep your slaoery icherc I is; manage it in your own way, j and aecordíng lo your own disretion ; with ii we will have notking lo do." I now speak as a h'gislator. Wy duties as a member of' Co;:gress iré s plain, that the way-faring man, tliough a fool, cíin't mistal;e them. This body sir, never had the constiuitional power to tstablish it in this District. It exiíts here in direct violation of the spirit and of the letter of the Consiitution. When, therefore, Congress euacted lht law of eighteen hundred and one, by wliich slavery in this District was estnblish ed and conünued, they not only viilated their iluty to God and to iheir fellow men, luit they disri'gardcd their conjlitutkuial power, and violatnu the inored compact of Union between tho United State9. Now, sir, it is one o( my objects, and of those who aci. Kvith me. to repeal all those unconstitntional laws which ennnect the people of the free States with sliiverv, and wholly tr sepwm.'9-th.iï Governm' from all support and mainlcnancc of that institution.-We will not continuo involved in the crimei of theslave-trnde and of slavery in tTiis District. I notify gentlemen, lliat we will purify ourselves from tliis contogion. The.e ohfect ond (iesigns we will accomplish, God helping us. No earthly power sliall deler ns from every honorable and lawful cfforl to bring about a " consnmmation so devoutly to be wislicd." - Nor will we sustain any man for President, or for any ollier office, wli'o is willing to involvo our people of thé free States in the turpitude and diagrace oTslavery We contend for freeJom - for the righls of man. I have, on but one occasion, permitted myselfin this Hall to be drawn in to discussion npon the subject of slavery in the States. - Whcn a distinguished Souiliern statesman, tíien a member of the Execntive Cabinet, (Mr. Cai.houn,) in his offiial character, undertook to establish the doctrine tliRt slavery was neecssary to the enjoyment of mankind, and that it was a humane, benevolent, ai:d philanthrop;c institution, I made some commetits on liis letter wli en it carne befoie thia House, and was iegitimately under discussion. Bnt gentlemen cannot expect us lo remain silent on tlie subject oftliê slavo ti acte in ll.is District wliilc it is supportcd by onr lans, altliough sucli discussion may endanger slavery in every Stato of tlie Union. Are we to be told tliat xra shall not speak on ihe subject of tlie slave trade here, lest it affects the nsthution in tlie States? Unite witli us, repeal tlie laws tViat involve us in its guilt, separate tliis Government from nll participation in its support, relieve the people oftlie free States from its Inmbens and its dis grace ; then we will be silent on the subject - not till then. Anain, whüe tlie Southern members bring the suject of lnvery in the States before tlio House, thev cannot expect us of the North to feel very particularly delicate about inswering them. Before entering upon the subject more Iegitimately under consideraron, 1 must bc permitted to suy, that I have no nlention lo roply to tliose personnl attacks tliat for three days have been made upon me. They are unbecoming the dignity of a lcpislative body ; they are equally unsuited to ihe occasion. We are discussing tlie rights of hnmanily - a subject dignitíed and solemn. The eyes of the nation and of the civilized word are up-jn us ; and, sir, I cannot dcmcan myself so much hns to reply to those personal invectives which havo been so liberaliy heaped np. n me. The subject of slavery, which has r.ow been before us for some days, was not introduced by myself, nor by any Northern man. The resolution of my friend from Massachusetts (Mr. Palprev) does not allude to it ; jet it has been forced upon us by slave'nolders, nnd Nortliern men cannot avoid it. I regard it a inappropriate, but have no alternatve in anv way but to meet ir, or admit my inability to oppose tbe argumenta advanced. I do not regret its introduction. It must be met, disr.usscd, and seltled in this Hall. It has become the great absorbing topic among the people of the nation. It is decussed in the legisaturesofour several States, in our poHtical conventions, in our township meeting?, in our newspapers, our Hterary penodicals, our religious meetings, our sermons, and in our religiou essays, and is mentioned in our prayers. It is the sulyect of conversation at tlie fireside and by the wayside It has ncciipicd most of tho time of this body during its prosert sessinn. - It occupies the attention of tlie President and his Cabinet. Southern statesmon are arguing in its behelf, and our army is fighting for its extensión. The toiling millions of our nation aro made to contribuí a poriion of each day's toil to rivet the cliuinsof servitude upon tlieir brethren. It guides the appointment of your foreign ministers, dictates the selection ofofficers for yonr army and navy, and controls the election óf your PiL-sidents. Sir.it would be úseles for us to attempt an evasion of ihia subject. - It must bc discv.iscd. I wil] ;inv ask altention to the subject moro mmedialely before us. The propositions containetl in this resolution are few and simple, It woiild appcar impossible to misapprehend lliem. lt proposes to inquire - Firstly. Whether a lawless mob existed in this District for two nights nexl preceding the day wliich it was oftered, setting at defiance the laws and constituted authorities of tl-e United States 7 And, Sccondl y. Whetber members of ibis House have beon menacad by sucb mob ] The entiro object of the resolution is to obtain ojjicial irfirnia ioi on these two definito points, and to place tlmt infortn.'ition on record, that it may be sent fonh to the country. ]f ihere has been such a mnb, it is due to the peopie of the nation that they sbou'.d know it ; if thcie has not been such a mob, it is due to tlio peopleof this District that tlicv sould be disabufèd of the charge. Let the truth be known. W'hv should wn seek to disgnisc facl, or lo wiihhold them IVom the public I ïhat such a mob existed, up to the time of introducing this resolution, is as well lnown 10 overy metnber of this body, as nny o;hrr fet which has transpíred boyond our personal obgervalion. Indeed I nm told ïhat many members of tliis IIouso witnessed the collection of the mob, and saw some of ttieir lawlrss depre(hiiions. Thero c)n be no doubt that, on tho evening of Tuesdav, tlie lSlh instant, ieverBl hundreds of persons collected on 7th Street vvitli the avowod inteniion of dtroyin ono of the newspaper estalilishmen's of this city, i heirobject was puliliclyi)roclaimed. Tl ey mo vedforward toward the accomplishment oltheir pupose, and actually cornmenced the work of violencff by throwing stones, breaking windows, and doing damago to the building, and in j uring some oi' the pólice who interposed lo prolect the property of the publisher. Tl at the atixiliary guard of the city ohly saved tha building, type, presses, &c, by an exhibiiion of the most determined resistance, for which the officers and men areentitled to much [traise. The mnl) findingthemseivei rtrongly opposcil, pulilicly adjonrned In meet the iipxc evening. During Wednesday, tlie 17tli, coileclious of huif grown lioys, loafers, anddrunkcn rowdics, attended liy ruffian looking strangers in varions parts of thxs oity, left no doubt a to their designs to carry out tbeir intetrtions !( ring the evening ff that dny. IdOrtTlNUBU PBOM POÜtlTH PAOB.J At niño o'clock. on Wednesday evening, n nid Ihát sorae thousands were collectcd ín nnd uent tho 7th Street, in the vicinity of the prinlins? offico alluded to.that the violenco took placo, nml further damage was effected. 1 hat Sarine both evenitiks "aMitiomsts" were den-unced, nnd' pubÜely threalened with violenee nml Jonih. Tlmt mombcrs of this body wcre ramee!, thfir Imlgings inquired for, and, propositions rnado violet.tly to seizo thi-ir persons, and take their lives. I do not say tl.ere was danflr uf sncli outrasrc bt'ing commUtcd, but I doknów ihRt mnmbeis of this House, ni'd men wlio wero not members, expressed th opinión tlmt it w.iuld be unwfe for crrt;n,i Biertibrn of o.tr body to be soen n ll.e vicn.ity of dioso meetings. I know tliat individuáis of this bo.l,v were in good faith advised to arm themselvea, and prcivide for their own protection: I know tlmt IVi.-iully letters were rec-eiv td by in.lividiir.lg on tilia floor, advising :hem to arm thomselves, and others of a ihreaternng clmrartrr carne to tlietn through t lie post office. On Tuesday I visited tbe prison oftlili Distiict and w tbe collected there an BCcouñt of which w.is read by my friend wlio moved thii resolution. The mob at the prison I bolievn to have been compose.l principally afslave dealers, froni Baltimore, Richmond, ÁU-xandiia, Annnpolis, and of this city, collected to pnrehase the persons who were confined tW for having fled fnwii slavery. Like the ofRmsive bnzard gathering around the diseviátíg carrion, tlie cormorán had gathcred ai-oum? the slave breeders who claimed to own the children and inothera confined ín thatslave markft for sale. It was this mane of moral putridity which constituted the mob at the praoí. , ,, i .1 i am informed tliat thc mon collected on tne 7th Street on Tuesday and VVednesday eveni,,3 was led on, excited, and encouraged by slavo dealers from tlie various chies rnentioned nnd bv sWive-brecders from tlio country nul cilios of this región: while some oftlie clerks in tho depnriments and officers of the city united witli tlicm, and members ofthis bodv ' in iheir speeches here, encdiaged them. The resnecial-le citizens of this cily generally. I Imvn no doubt, were not only opposed to the mol), l.ut deeply regretted its exislence. On Wednesdayir.glittlio mob ngain a.ljourn cd to meet thivnext evening. Up to this lime no movemenl had lieen made to put down those riots, eilher by the President, or by any other olficer except those of the auxiliar? guard. Tlius Air it had set the laws at defi anee. And it wa3 at this opportune period, while every moment gave evidence oí' a continuance o' these riotous depredatir.ns, that my f.iend bronght forti) the re: olution befo re us, prtinosing an inquiry into these facts. Gentlemen for three days have held out to the tnunlry 1 1 1 :ï t the resolutiori represrnted llint ineinbers óf this bmly bad been in dineer.- Sir, itBOUhcr alindes to, nor hints at.suchfact. The preamblu recites, ihat common fame repreftcita tliat members have been menaeed, thrcalened, and propoaca to nscertain whetlier itl)eo. That, sir, is the length and breadth and uxient nf the propsition. Now, sir, t may Ihj pertniued to encjuire. whethër it would nol '.,.,,,. smtcamniiliko lor gentlemen tn meet ,-ilinn l.eiore us, than it ia thus to build up a man nftlraw, rncrely for the urpngtí of teairng it down 'Í AgaUl, gemlemen have represeñted nao as introdacing tlus resolutitHi. Thi'V seem tn have mistaken even the iiltiar of thu pmpositton in the phrenzy of excitemiint. My friond who introdneed it will not lliank tbein for tliia altetnpt to transfer the honor of llint net from hirtfl to my hurable selt. That gentlemnn inlroduced it upnn liis own responsiliüity, and at the díctales of his own iudgPrrjent. AgHin, it Ims been urged tliat the resolution ask protection for the mumbers referred to - ]t is to me prifeclly incom)rehei,sil)le how gentlemen ihoüld givo this conatruction to a pcoposition simply to inquireintofacls. Why, Mr. Speaker, it rêally would appBnr that the flihi of 80 m my human chanela, cilled "tlatct" frnrn this city, has positively demeiiled every ■laveliolder of this House. Rut again. si r, it is 8ikl th.it I went to llio prison, whi-i-e I liad no riglit to claim the proluction o f lilis body. SuftfKwa it u ore so, still u U nx answi-r to the proposiiion befora us, wliirli is merolv to inquire as lofucts. 1 can not, höwever, pasa over tliis assertion without a more particular notice. That prisnn, sir, was erertad..in part, uiih tlie money ol my people, as much as tliis Capítol. It is as much under tlie control f our officara as iIil in whicli vu aru now siiling. It isas much controllol by mir laws as tliis Capítol, nr the Post Office, nr tlie Tioasury buililiiigs. I had tlie riirlit tocxamine liow our laws veré execnted ; to understund wlio was in prison ; to know what degree oí hummiity is exerciseJ tlierely tlie ervanta el' ihts people. My constiluents have i rio-lit to know liow tlieir prison is managej, ij.ni! for what purpose it is nsed. Tliey have a i-ight to unilersiaiul vvhetlier it is usecl to confine weeping mothers, und sigliing fatliers, 'and hi'lpless infants, piilty of tm otlicr crírno tliüii a oveof liberty. I will not condescend lo argue ihis queslian. My constituents know tbeir riglus, and il' gentlemen liere have nol leanied llieirown privileges, tliey had let(emludy thom. Tlie riglits of rayself, and of my people.sliall be niuintained to their exlent of " my humille powers. Tliey, sir, have the right to nnderstand these manifesiations of slaveholding violenco ; and, wtiether yon jass this resolulion or not, yon cannot, you shall not, kpf-p thaí informalion frorn tliem. (.ifntlemen here have consUntly represented Th'u itatement was di-nwn liy Mr. Giddixgs, dated 20t!i April, mul is in tlie follcnving woriU : "I, .1. R. GiDDiNfis, a ïm-mber o' the House ofReprenentivc. st.itc : Tliit diirhiR the furenoon of yesturdny I visiipil thejail ofthi District. 1 waa not acqtmduted with tlie keeper ; and when I arrived I nnnonnced to him mr uatne, and tli it I was n qierabsc pf tliis body. Th it I fnrtlier said to liim. 'hit t wishud ta see the persons coufiiied tlicrc ou ü clim'-'C of carryiir,' awny slavH fi'.. m tb' District. I told liim tlmt l wisluul to s;iy to tli"in thi' tlu'V hould have the bniu'fit of counsel ard a l','i! trini, and their riglits slumld bs protected, and dss'rml liim to ba jweaiit. Ha went with ine to the naHnsr tliülle.ids te thu cells. '■ W'iiile cauversiug with thes? me; in tho presenco of ,}t.. [f -, ,r, n ni ib ■ une tj thi ron gato at tin hend of ihentiirway.and demii'ided tlntl shonlil leavo f.irihwitll. Thekeep"r infnnied tliMin tfiat lie vvuulil not opn dl -i'É niilcss i l'ft the building inini'.-diately. Thii' 1 r. í ie.l todo. The keeper auured tbam hat ha w mili no! o;ie.i the duor uutil tliey retirad. I wat forthe- 'ifirin'd, tlmt t!jr mob h id compellíd the g'iard Bi ili lowér zate to ialivr np the key to thunr, and ia i l opened tint gala, (tod by tlmt laesm , , i age at tlie heaO of the tu re. ■ ili ■ w lii-s. ai.d eutered the iie keeper and ïnyseif, atid the Hrn. E. 5 i 1 thejail as attoniey fur the I iriielowergate, ip front ui -. I. He openedthe Zie, 1 hitve beeu iutorwpü ;i , , . i . f me, but win s.ivs I, ' v . , ■ ■ . t.idaairl n propwitioa mulo by in,];.,.. ls nlny i i! -n' li.: ui'ni ni) os I carne out of -I,, .j IU, one of whom, h infirmtd me, ra a {r. Sla t b lve d ■ '1 ■' fi'oiu B i!ti nor?, whoin he status o !: ivo been aciivo ia instigütlng olhei'6 to acts of vioieuce." mo as seeking the protection oi'thia House. - Yes, sir, for thrco day3 1 sat here, and henrd o-oiulemcn representing to the country that 1 was seeking protection at tho hands of the membcra of this body. Tha resolution pro ■)o?09 no such thing; the gentleman who ofered t represonted no sucli wis!) ; 1 hnve inïmated no such desire. "Why, thrn, nre these misrepresentaiions put forth ? Why 9 falseïood rrsorted tol Do gentlemen supposc me ncapable of exposing these flagrant violations ftruth; or did thoy helieve rne so destitute f s])iiii, that I da red not hold them up to the ontempt of an intelligent and virtuous people? Wliy, sir, does not cvery member of this iouse'know, does not tlie country know, thnl he mol) extended to this Hall ; thal members f this House icere ahonumbered with themob ? fliat wliile slave-dealeri, and iliose wlio breed mankind for market, were collected in tliose spacious galleries nu-mbcTS on tliis floor de nounced me fromtliis forum 1 Declarrd themiolvt's "readi louvitewith the mobto drive me ■om this Hall, andfrom this District?'. Deolared that I " ought to hehung asJrgh as Haman ?" And tlial they " u-ere prepa red tojnstifi) the mol to thefuliesl extentV' Does any iierson suppose me capablc of asking protec lion frorn any sucti men? Nu, sir; I lia%'e too oñen witnessed tlie spirit of slaveholdit:g violence or this floor to ask protection of tlitï members of tlie House. 1 nover tlid degrade myself by such reqitest - T never sliall. If 1 ever had canse lo ;isl protection from lium.in violence, it was from tlie violence of members on (hls floor. Sir, could 1 so for foj:et my self-resjiert as lo ask proteriion at tlie liande of men, wlio, n this H.ill, and belbre ibn nation, were endeavofinar lo excite ilie rabble lo deeda of violenee ? Neper, sir, mvcr. Let the House purify ilself, protecl iis own honor, ind maintain a dignity becoming an American Congres, aiul I will provide for ihe rotection of my per-on in niy own woy. I agaiii repeat ïhat the obji et of the resol tltion, 3 to send forth thefnets ín the pcoplc. I wisll the people of the fiee States (o underBtand tliiit when Represpniatives visit ihe public institutions of tliis District n tlieir official cliaracler, iliey are beset by slavedealers, by lliose vvlio drive woinen to msrket. Thai such beings in human sliape attempt to diclale 10 ns wheie we shall ;o, anii liow long we sliall stay. Tint tliey atlëinpt to teil us tliat our lives are at their disposal, and that our existence will be bszarded if we di?obey their direclions. Sir, I desire that the people should uriderstand tliat slaveholdins ineii)beis on this door in thir public spueclies josiify these base indignities " to tlieir full extent." I feeldeeply humbled when I consifler tlial these encouragementa of the mob were rnnstly pul forth liy inemuers on ibis side of ihe House, professing to belong lo the snme political party with myself. And it ia bul an act of justics thnt I should nlso sny, tlial I un inbrraed, that alter my frtsiend had iutroduced his resoluiion,and exciiing débale had sprulig íp bolli ín llie Senaie and in this hall, and he aneiMJon ol'tlie country was beingcalled lo hese facts, the President tendered to the ofiïcers oí the city the military Torces of the Ü- lited Siates and directed the employees of Government lo prepare to put down the nob. No man will suspect me of courting he President's favor, but 1 desire lo do liim ustice, ns well as those wlio, professing to beong to ihe same political parly vvitli inyself, et endeavor to excite the rabble to violence. And noiv, sir, I will I a ka my leave oí the resoluiion; I have stated the object which Inoi' t forth ; that object was to place fnrls before he country. As to its adopiion 1 feel entirely ndifierent. The facts will go thrth, the obecisoftlie mover has been iitiained. The (reenen of the noith will arouse fiom tlieir silent stupoi-, and soon ive sIihII Uuar their indignalion expressed in language not to be inisundersood. When the pending rcsolution was brougtii forward, prpposing a simple inquiry as to lacts, it wiis insla m ly seized upon by so'iiliern members as the basis of an exciüng debate conceining slnvery. They insi.sted upon gor in" back and irrqimng i::to tlie circunislanccs oui of wbicb ihii niob and the threatened violenco arose. Tliis was done upon thal principie of slaveholdinjr elhios, wltich ie:iclics lliat ifllie captain and r.rew of tlie solioonei"Pear!" had Basisled slaves to escape from this DUuict, it would be jut and proper Por siaveboldera to deslroy tlie aewspaper press of tbis city, and ilirealen violence 10 menibers of ifiis body. Ft sbould be disiinctly borne in mind, ibis subject ofslavery was brougb forward exelusively, and tbe discussion lia leen confinfid almost entirely to gout kern men Well, sir, wliát are tlie fncCs al wllich almos lbo wlioli; slavelioliling fruternity ol tliis bod bus been ibrown into sucli feiinent ? Wliy, sir, it is said lliat soine seveniy-six men, woinen, and children, living in ibis Disirirl, possessin? the same natural right to the enjoynient of lile and liberty as genllenien in ibis Huil - feeling the galling chaina of slavery cbafing & rasiening into their flesli; themselves sluit out iVom the social and inlelleciuil enjoyments for wliicb they were duaigned by iheir Creator ; bowed down n abject serviuultí, gurround'ed b'y moral dárkness, rojbbed of llieir labor, ñticl sliut out from Uie hope ol' mtnortality utirfer lijo hwa wliich we have enacteil, mil vvliicli we still refuse to inodjfy or repenl - inspirod wiili anlent desira to enjoy I lie rig' ís wilh wliicli God 'iih eirlowed our race, went on board a scho'oner lying at one of llie wlüirves ol' lilis üity, and sel sail for a " luiid of Ubnrty." VVhen they reached the inoiJth ol" tlie river, adverse winds compelled them to cast anchor. TIlUS detained, we inay iningine th anxieiy thai must have filled their inind. How tlitt sl.ive niolhur pressed her tender liabü mora closely lo her bi uust, as shesentup to the God of the oppressed her silent Bupplication for tleliveronce froin ihe men stealers who ware on their track ; for blood honnds in human sliape wers in bot pursuil, clotlied with the aulhority of the laws enacted by congress, and now kept in force l.y tliis body, and they seized upon those wretclied fugitivas and broullt them hac:k to thUcity, and thrust them uto yondar privón, erected by the treasure of thii nation. There they remained uinil Friday, tha 12st instant. when nearly fifty óf them having been purchitsJ by tbe iüfainous "Hape H. Slattor," ■ vvho headed tlie mob al the jail on Tuesday, i vvere laken !n dayüght from ihe prifon lo ibe i raüroad depot, and Irotn thenc.e (o Baltimore, destincd for sale in the fa'r Souili, there to drag out a misrrable existenre upon the cotton and sugar planlations ofllial slave-consuriiiiiK región. The scène at the depot is represemel as one which wonld have flisgrared the city of Algiers or Tiuvs. Wives bid.linf; adien to tln-ir hushamü, moiliors in an Bjrony of desp.iir unalde to bid farewel to llieif daughiers ; linie boys and gus weepins; amiil the seiKM'al di.-tress, scarcely knowing the cause oftheir f;iief. Si;;ls, and groana, and tears, and iinuiterable agony cliatactpiized a scène at vvhirli the heart sickens, and Irom whicti hnmaniiy sltrinks vviih honor. Over such a scène thai fiend in human simpe, Slatter presided, assisted by some iliree or four assoclntes in depraviiy, eiich armed wiib pistols, Bowie kniie, and club. Yes, sir, by virtue ofour laws lie held tliesp molliers and cliililren, these sisters and brothers, subject to this power, and tore theni from all the ties which bind mankind to life, and earried them south. and doomed lliem to cruel and lingerinü dcaths. Sir, Ho yon believe that these members of ! our bod), who siubl)ornly refuse to repenl ' lioseliiwí, are less puiiiy in ihe sic;ht ofn jut and holy God than Stotter himself? We, sir, nuble kim lo fïwrsue his accursrd vncntiön, avd cmi wc be innocent of those crimes'? How ong will tnembers of iliis House continue luis to outrnjie liumaniiy ? How long will lie people theinselves rernain partakers in liis enormous vvickedness by sendincr t0 this Hall men who rnn hcre spesik of their a&soriaiion wil II ihese Hcaven-diiiins; crime?, in the langüage of ribald jesting? If oiher memsers sanction and approve surh loriure, f:ir woise iban ord'wary muráer, I ivM nor. It is unbaconaing a Chri.=ian people; it is unsuitcd to the age in which we live. Wliy, pir, what a spert.niile do we pregent lo the civilized world ? Ye?ierday we as=embled wiih the rilizens of (his Districl, in front of lilis Capitol, to rejoiee and sin in honor of the people of Franre, many of ivhom offered np their live to attain the liberty which we ourselves enjoy. While 've were thus coüected toirether and sinf;iiiLr the sotil-stirrinï Marsailles hynin, and shouiinjr praies to our breihren who, on the other side of the Atlantic, have achieved their freedom, and driven their monarch from his throne and country, a different scène was witnessed on the Avenue hefore ns. where some twentv or thirtv slaves destined forlhe soutliern market were marched to ihe railioad depot. The clankinLr of i hei r chnins, their sl jjlis and c;roans, niintrlinjr wiih nur songs and shonts of praise in favor of libcrfif, ascended to Heaven, and enlcred lite enr of the God of iIir oppressed. Yes, sir, whüe we were tltus professin. onr adrnirniion of fieedom, we, wlio now sit in 1 hls Hall, were nt that moment sustnining1 a slave market in t'his city, f-ir more sliockin to the eelinss of liumanitv tlmn ran l)e fonnd in nny otlier part of the oivilized world. And, sir, gentlemen in tlieir zeal to nphold the slave trade in tliis District propone to snik e Jown the freedom of debate in iliis Hall, consecrated to free disoussion, and even to han"; members who dare speak in favor of liberty. [ refer lo the remarks of the jonileman from Terinessee, (Mr Haskell,) who is reponed to ïave said in his speech on Wednesday, as ollows : " Now, a stransre state of thincrs was preentPfl here. Membera of thia body as he lelieved, and feit rendy to charge, hnd been eneneed., by ilir? rourse of pondncl iiy purnp(l on tliis floor and out of tliis Mali, in tiie (lelihornte aiiempt to sc-itter tlie sceds of inPiirrftr.tion and nsnhonünation, f no; rn!)ellion, anionjr the slnvps in tliis Distrint. Mpn on tilia floor, under tlie sarb of philantliropy and love of human liberty, bail been endeavorinü; lo pprpetrnte felonieí5 for wffi'ili tltey onixlit lotwins as bi'ili as Haman. He spole the plain trnth. He was willinj to have lii wnrds nipasnrpd, and he held himelf responsihle for the lancnase h used. An atlPtnpt had been nnde on this floor to flboHsh slavery in the Ditiint of Oolumbia in the forin of law, if thpy pnnW, and in violaion of the Constitnlio i ; anrl. hafficd and foilfd in ihat, the=e mppk philanthropists were now. w he hplieved God, aliemntinir to Rhol'lfth slaveiy in ihi Di-itrirt by incitingtlie negroes to leave their tnasters. " Mr. Hüskell (continninü) chared thnt llip coiidnrt of these me:t, tlieir lanj-naje on ilii {loor and out of this Flonse, had been siicli as lo produce iliis staie of tilines - a díapósition to insmrertion and rebellion amons IÍip slaves in iliis District. He held in bis han.] a resol til ion, wliirh lie intended to move, and wliirb he ühonld move, hy way of ainendinent, wben this ITousn rntertnined hr. resolulion of the ffentleman from Massaoliusetts, baying for ils objert an inqniry inlo the ronduct of tliese members, and, if tli(?y vvere found guilty, fheii' expulsión fro-n this body a3 nnworlhv to holi! seats on lilis floor." The ueillletnnn rilarles me wilh utíerino; senlimenta on iliis íloor and out of this House whirli have fertded " to exniie the sliives to rehellion, and to produce this slutc nfthings" hy whioh I suppose he means iheir aitempt to esnape from slavery. For dotng this he thinks I " óngfit to hang ns high os Human ;" aml that the House ousjht to expel me for thus d:iring to give utterance to tlie honest sentiment? of iny hnart, wlien siudi utterance may excite the slaves to re rain their liberly. Mr. Speaker, I will inform that í;entlemnn, vvitb all sincerity, llmt it is too Inte in ifw dny t) altnmpt to seal the lips of NortliPrn Representatives in regard to the slive trarle, or on nny otlier suhiact vvliioh comes hefore this body. I f;ive notice to that gentleman, and While Mr. Giudings was sprvikiiirr, n letter wasiaid npran lbo tnble before him, l'rom whioh thn folluwing exlnict Is Ölkon : 11 Am'in the tinfortnnate laves who were latei y rpciptui'ed, was a brntli'or and three sisters, inulni f o1, rill very mral fiml roliioiis. Tho irls, nao in particular, is verv fair and protty. Tlie brntlier was hired hy M'. - . ds a ctmchtniu, and it is S'iid bis emnloyf?r oiTerod a larz sum for pnrpnso of preventiiiï tbi-m (rom boina sacriñced to tho b.sest of pu, poseí ; bnt it was in vain f'r the fionfh u'ei'C tto nrnriCMons. and thoy woro OArried awav bv ni ;rh to fiiiUimre. It is siid tlrtt (rnatlemiuofTered athouaand dollarsfuronaoltbegirls." (Thore it oo doubt of the porfect accuracy of lili tatoment-) o íill olliers, dial I símil spenk just what I lliink on any and on every subject wliicli jomes belbre us. It ia my intnntion to cali ihings by their riglit ñames, and to speak, so far as I am able, in such direct, pialo, and simple langunge, as to be understood. lt is true iliiit ihe freedoin o I' speerli has Ijeen pul down in lilis Hüll ; it wis lor yenrs irnmpted luider loot by the shtve piraer. I sat here ituiing several gessíons oí Congreas in degrnding nnd butnilialijig silence, and olten lislpned to the supeiciliotis tirades ot Southern meinbers ngninst niyself, and aga'nsí ihe advocates of liberiy, wllile I was not perinitied to reply. The slave power ihcn ruigned Iriumplmnt n this body. Sir, it is well known lliat, for asseiiing in tliis House sorne ol'the plainest principies oíconstitutional Inw, I. was censured and driven Iroin ruy seat heie. But, tlüink God, afieryears of toiland eífoii, wo have rogained the lieedoin of debate. - And now, I say to the slaveholders present, we sha II ncver again surrcndtr it. W hen meinbers here shall eease to enjoy the privilege ol speaking iheir rninds, and repri'sentinr the views and wishes of their conslituents, iny people will send some olher man to íiess or 1 1 ley vvill cense lo be representad n ihis body. Why, sir, does 1 lie gentleman s fiom Tennessee txpect that I am lo asl hini, I or íi n v oiher nieiiiber, whnt 1 shall sny, whnn , I slüiil speak, and how I slnill say i ? Do Soulhern 'gentlemen suppose ibey can bring s uto ibis body ihe prnctices whirli iliey i sue on tbeir plantaliooq ? Sir, ibcy lorijei i ilie (lieatre on wbicli ibe iré scting. Tbey forj;ei ibat iliey are Rinong reenten. Tliey I surejy ilrinh ihemselves.auiong sla veta, i lomud lo cioii'-b and ireiuble it ibeir frowns. I Tilia Hall is not t lie place for tbe display of supercilious dictalion. ÍSuc-li trails ol cliaraetsr ai e bul pooriy sniled lo ilic digniiy of legislaiion. Tliey vvill not be tolerated by gentlemen vvho know tlieir rigbts, and bave the spirit lo maintain íhern. VV'liat, sir, are vve to sit liere and lisien to such language ? [ vvoukl advise t lie ítenileman froin Tennessee lo read ilie Constitniion of t he U. States ; lo study i he spirit and genius of I lie Government of vvliicli be s a member ; to learn ihe privileges and duties, and endeavor lo raich t lie spirit and inspiralion, of an American statesman. His lliouglits vvill then be free as tbe winds of heaven, and be will look vvitli neíF.ible coniempt upon all efforls to resirain llie freedom of debate. VVben ibis proposilion of llie gentleman to restrain tbe freedom of debate sliall be published in mv district, the school boys vvill huixli at its abaurdny. But the gentleman thinks that my langnage ! in tliis Hall lias excited a love of iberty among the slaves. As to that I havo made no inquiry. If it bas imparled to thein inforiniiüon, or inspired tbem vvitli a desira to re;iin the righis whicli God has given them, I shall rejoioe at if. I wonld not desist from speakin;; tnith in tliis Hall if all the slaves in the universe were lislening to me. No, sir ; if I had ibe power I wouldfrom tliis forum, give to eveiy slave sonlb of Mason and Dixon's line a perfect knowledge of his ris;hts. - I would nxplain to their undéstanding the oppression that weighs down their inteller-ts and sbuts out truth frotn llieir compreliension. I would explain to them the ouirage which has robbed them of their huma iiy, reduced ihem lo the level of challéis, and subjects them lo sale lili e brutes in the market. Cruld my voice be heard by them I rom lilis Hall, 1 vvouhl teach iliem llinl they oiiine (Vom the hand of tlie same Creator as ourselves, and were endoived by Ilirn wiih ilie sanie inalienable riglús as ibose wlio nniv ord it over theiri. I ivould nform tliem iliat ley nre onr breihren, and candidates Cor ihe ame mtnorialUy iviih us. Mr. Gavie, of Alábanla, desired to inqnirc filie gentleman fi-orn Oliio, (Mr. Giddins,) these seiilinients were tiot now uttered in le hearing of slaves ? Mr. GiiMings replied, iliat the gentleman 'rom Alahania perhaps could answer tbat neslion more accurately tban himself. I aid he) knovv not wheiher aiicli persons be uesent. I bnpe ihere may [e soine lo bear ne ; and if llie ulterance of snnh trnllis as íese can teach tliem bow to release iheinclves from bondage, God kriows tfn-ir redemption draws nigh. No, sir : I vvould say 10 eiiileinen, " go tell your slaves how r-linl orín yon ure, and bid your bondmen tremlili;," bu: come not lien; and threaten !o expel and n han:: the representativos of fieemeu lor , jfivii:1 utler.mce to ihe senlimenls ivhieh lliey i ■ntertain. Geittleinen rnny pluy tlie lyrnnt ! nn their plaulalions, hol it llicir l'ellow-min in suhjection, niiiy c.ic.se liis lacerated fyesll lo quiver wiih the laali, hut they slirtll not m)ose silcnce Upotl Norlhern men, nor díctate he InngiingB we sh;ill use on tliis floor. Mr. Gnylu inqii'neil il :he jerrllewian nllnled 10 him vvlien he spoke of ihn flcsl) beinjj nade to quiver by tlic liwh? He in-ver usècl ihe lash on hts sla ves. They wouUl not nccompiny hinri here, because they were afraid tlie aholiiionists wuulil skin thein. Mr. Qiddings resume 1. Tho gentleman's stneinent shows to whit depllia ol degnulation slavery can reduce the inmortal mind. The gentleman from Alahama has heen so far sucresslul as lo teacll his slaves to htiy; t heir chains, nnd to shudder at th thodght of beinTree. He has driven from their inlnda ilieir instinotive love of liberty. These facU show the most horrid characteristic of that inalitulion. It hlots out the intellect, and reduces man, created in the image of his God, to the luvel of briites. That entleinari dare nol leacli liis slaves to read the Wor I of God. - It would itlhject him to punishmenl in the penitcntiary of his State weré he to do il.- or ntud we go lo Alahama to find such laW?. IC, sir, you pass over the river (Potomac) ing before our windows, and on ns aoiïthern dunk atiempt 10 kindie n tho rionnnnt nielleci of n slave the hope of a future Míe, ly leachinjj liirn to iümiI the Iloly Sr r pin res, yon wilí bu linlile lo un iciircerulioii 11 the penitemiary of the Old Dominion, of wliich we henrso ofien and so itiutli in this House. Yes, sir, it 'u rögsrdetl ns rñmc 10 tench a slave to read the Word of God in tliisChristain land - this landjof sabballis, and ministers, and brbles, and slaves. But the gentleman from Tcnnessee is not lie only meiuber here who has assailed my iglit to speak in this Hall the dictates of my nvn judgement. A gentleman from Norlh parolina (Mr. Venable) complains that I siated in this Hall lliat the laws of Oh. o alovved t'very person to defend hs natural rilit i lile nnd hberty ; and lliat ifa slavu on ()- lio %oil bIiou d, in delending htmself, sJaj hts nastefj we would ooi linng bun lograilfy the slavehfoldeM of tfte Souih ; and t Imt I decfared ' l woulil cal! liiiii r g;i Flant fellow." Now, , sir, in slave States tliey have a Matate lhwdelriving the slave of the right of self-defence. [ It is not so vvilh Ufl. Oliio has no such a l;iw, and oever will have. The defence of ihose righls lo life and libeity wiih whichour Creator has endowed us, I regard asa solernn duiy, and look upon every man who complies vvitli this ohliffniion as wortliy of my respect. In disciissing the lega) riglils of the slave, 1 lelt it my dnty to inform the masters of this principie, liut ilie gentleman seerns to thinl that tlie slavcs wül leain what I said, will know their rights, and being once informed of their duty to delend their liberty when they gel on the soit, lie appears to apprehend tliey will do it. Novv, I shail ueriainly regard m_vself as fortúnate if my poor reatarles shall have enliirliteded both niaster and slave. And I now repeat, tliat we would not hang a slave lor sucli an act were it to piense all tlïe slaveholders of Chiistendom. 1 uish, however, lo apeal to the conscience of that gentleman. 1 understand that he belongs lo the Methodist chureh. NöW, ilie grett and good fouuiier of that denotninalion (John Wesley) has dec'hired slaveiy to he "e sum of all villanies." Mr. Venable begged to say to lite genleman froin Ohio, as lie liad alluded lo llie lubject of religión, tliat he was no Methodist, hough he highly respetted that sect. He vas a Presbyterian ; bul lie would refer tlie rentleiihin lo llie Episile of Paul to Philemoii, rom whicli that gentleman would learn iliat Paul did not lell servants to run away from heir inasier?, bul lo return back to llietn. - When the gentleman from Ohio could bring ívidence to show that lie was beller, wiser, jnd hoüer ilian Paul, he would listen to his :ouncils, and not lili llien. Mr. Gjddings. resumed. I think ihe genilernan is loomuch exciled for a Presbyierian. By vvliat authoriiy .loes he pronouce Onesimusasíiitcí Was lie nol a liired servan!, such as we of llie Norih etnploy and pay for their labor ? Did Paul direct lliat lie should return to slavery ? No; lie rominanded llial he should be received as a brother. But the "entleman from Nortll Carolina has atleinpted 0 press Si. Paul into a justification ol' slavey. What is slavery, and what are its effecis. Why, sir, a gentleman, (Mr. Clay,) once a neYnber in ihe oilierend ofthe Gapitol, ant 1 slaveholder, of accurate nlbrmaiion, sotne ■ears since stated that the average life of laves, afier enierii;g upon ihe sugar plantaions, w-is only five ye&rs, and upon ;he cotón plantaiious only seven years. That is to say, they are driven so hard at laboras lo lesiroy the uves of ihe whole of them every five and seven years, upon an average. Now. sir, s it not as uiuch aiurder to destroy ihe lile ol our fellovv man, by a loriuie of five years, as t would be lo strike him down at a blow ? - Yea, is not ibis prolonged torture a rèfinemepi n cruelly? 1 have no time to refer to the liceniiousness, or indeed lo the altnost totr.l obiteration of moral sentiment, lo be found not only among slaves, but among all slavcholding coiuuumiiies. (CONTIXURD ON' SF-COND TAGF..) (CONTINUED FKM FdURTII PAOIi.) Why, -ir, il is saiil and I believe with perfect truih, to ba 110 unnsual lliing slaveholders to ell their own cküdren as slaecs Brothers hih' saij to troffir. in the bodics afthxxrfathers, srrns, and daHghtert. Such crimes liave no names. Yet ilie gentleman from North Carolina representa St. Paul as approving, and even onjoinmg elavery, with all its concomitant iniqaitiea. Wel] might the greal and good Wesley denounee slavery as the "mm of all rüfanics," for it is so in fact. It is not merely murder, for il lakes Ufe by a slow and regular proces of torture. It is not merely t7icft, for it steula not only the property and the treasure of men. hut it takes frora them their intellectuel enjoyrnent. It is not merely robbery, for it rohs man of himself. The essential elements of all these crimes, in their most agravated form re rompreliended in the term slaveiiv. Ai d Script ure is qnoted to justify sucli appalling wickedres. Why, sir, if 1 entertained such tentimt' tits.IwoulJ atijure my religion.aBtl lurn Pgan. These arpuments are pul forth liy PresbjteriwM. The general assemlily ofthat church somi1 ihirly yoars since, dt-clared slavery tobe ' tnherenti'j'sinful ; and of cmirse it must be offt-nsive to God, and all good men, Bur, to return lo iliose gentlemen who liave threntcned lo expe! me, to drive me from tliis District, to hang me for speaking of slavery ns l ïfirnrd it. I wiïli lo inform ihem dislinctly ihnt beforo 1 conduite vvliat I liave to ■;iy, I intend to uive ntterance to the solenin convirtióos of my judgmenl Iri regard to thai inetilution ; ;ind, il'they (Jo not vvish to listen lo me, ihey w!ll, of course, be at perfect Uhertij to leove the Hall. Am! ihhv I wish to address n few words to entlomen in regard to the slav? trade of tliis District. e all know the fateofslaves taken frotn tliis country to the slave consuming regions, the Golgotha of lliis nation. We are all conscions that the fifty persons taken by Hope H. Slatter from tliis city last Fiidáy, are doomed to crueky, torture, and premature graves. They have gone to painful and linseringdeaths ; and the momentotts question comes home lo eaeh of our consciences, on whom rests "the deep damnation of their taking off?" There is but one answer. All who have aided or lent theii infliience to sustain the law of Congress which authorizes siich infernal deeds. Nor is that all ; those of us who have failed to exert our powers to repeal these disjraceful laws are guilty for our neglect. I dare not claim to be exempt myself. We are all Ld vol ved in the dread responsibility. History will record the fact, and transmi; to unborn ajes, that wr, the roembers of this House, at ibis age of lijht and knowledge, and of civil liherty, maintnin and keep in forcé a law for selllng fathers and chililreu, mo'.hers and tender babes, to torture and 10 iegnltzcil murder. In the day of retiibution, will not the blood of those victims siain our garments . Oor gnilt is daily increasing. Every vicliinol'ihis barbaroua law enhaneesonr responiibility. 'l'he gentleman from North Carolina exults llial his Rtate was not conoerned in ihe inportaiion of sl;ive3, and conncts the " horrors of the middle passage" whh New Efltfland cupidiiy. Bul does llmt in any way j rt-lieve tlie gentleman from hiï own responsibiliiy in supporiing the trade in this District'1 He, sir, has cons'antly opposed ihe abolition o! ihis infamoua traffic, carried on here before our own eyes, and altended wilh greater mental suffering than was the African slave trade in the last century. He must answer for his own sins. I admit (bal a fearful responsibility resled upon those of our New England fathers who encouraged nnd engaged in that " execrable commerce." I justify them not. I condernn (hem for it. There is hut one excuse for Uiern. They lived in a darler age iban the present. The force of trut h, the ris;hts of man, and the claims of God, were not brnught to beir upon the people of that Hge in the concentrated rays wilh which they linve since pinrred the intellectual darkness which thpn locked up the sensibilices of our race. But sir, New Engiand has long sinre, not only ahandoned the slave trade, but she has HiscarJed the institution of slavery, and proclaimed lier hostiliiy to all oppression. The sin of our fiitliers ought nol tobe visited upon thoir chiklren. But, sir, would that gentleman extenuaie t!ie guilt of the present aje, by ifaowins that even greater crimes wnre comtniuvl by tlioe who have gone before us ? Tliey nnisl answer for the sins which they co iimitti' I. Wc are respojuible fir our own acta. And wlien that gentleman boasts that North Carolina did not enjage in the African alave trde, lie shoul 1 bearin mind that this is a slave breeding St.ite. Thai one portion of I lidr people get their wealih by raising and sellinjr iheir fellow men. Tliat the slaves thus n;ared in this christian land must of neoessity be far more intelligent than those of Afriep, and capable of fnr greater sufTeiing. That the slave trade, now carried on in that State, ac tually inñicts more distress and heartrending anguish, in proponion to the number of ts victiins, llian did thn foreign slave trad at that period. Thcrefore I wou!d advise the gentleman not to boast of the moral purity of his people. They are now, at ihis time. engaged in crimes that would havshecked the huinanity of the Afiican slave dealers of the last century. We liave been assured repeatedly, during tl) is debate, that if we continue thus lo express our detestation of slavery, tlint tbe southern States will secede from the Union. Novv I vvould advise rentlerncn to spare us from thosH th rea tg. Duriirj half a century, the slnve power lias contiol'ed ihis Government - lioldins Mor'.hern rights and Noriliern inierests subject to tlie burthens of slavry, whicli lias constantly sat like an incubus lipón thu wholetiation, paralyziug our energies, and ralnrding our piosperily. 'l'he Union of our futliers has long; since been abandoned. discarded and tmmpled npon l)v tiii sl;ive power. Texas has been fored iipon ns i:i violation and in total subversión if tlit-ï Consiitution. In direct and palp iljlt; conflict willi its most obvious provisión., si iveliolding lorei.'iiers from Texas now sit in bodi Ilouse.-i ol Conijress, and vote in tlie (;i);ictment of laws to govern ihe rights and control the interests of Northern freemen. A war In been waed, an hundred milüons of, dollars expended, and twenty thousand lives hnve been sacriGced, for the purpose of extending slavery, to confirm the slave power in it3 control of the Government ; and novv we are tlireatened with n sep'aration of the slave Stnies frotii our Union. Of such an event I have nather hopea nor fetirs. Dependent on us for prolection, for support, indeed for the very existence of slavery, I have no expectation nor apprehension that they will abandon us to our best interests, and ihrovv theinselves upon the tender mercies of their slave population, who for ages have received nothing at their liand but oppression and outrage. No, sir, when I shall see a condetnned criminal upon the gallows, vvith the rope about his neck, and faslened to the beam above, become iinpatient, and, in order .o "dissolve the Union" hetween liimself and this vvorld, jump l'rom thescaffold before the drop is perniitted to fall, then, sir, and not lili then, may I believe that the slave States may basten the terrible judjiments that avvait thcm by seceding froni the Union. Not till then will I believe 'thnt they can he driven from us. The gentleiTian from Virginia, (Mr. Bavly,) as he hasoften done before, bas attpmpted to show that what he calis the " abolition inovement" originated in England, and is now kepl up by British emissaries, both in this Hall and ihrougl) the country. The gentleman has not the merit oforiginating the cfaarge It was made many years since by a member fron his State. I suppose there can be no misunderstanding as to the tcrms he uses. - When he speaks of the "abolition movement" I presume he refers to the efforts novv making to extend human liberty, to restore to mankind their natural righls, to strike off the chains ofslavery from the limba of its victima, to stop the accursed traffic in human flesli to which I have already alUided. That is what we all understand by his langn&ge. It is diificult to trace out the origin of these movements in favor of liberty. Some trace thcm back to the time when the " sturdy barons of England" extorted from King John the great charter of English liberty. Others to the Revolution of 1776. If the gentleman, hovvever, refers particularlv to philanthropic efforts in behalfof the oppressed colored people, I deny the correctness of his history. The first effort in favor of the equal rights of the colored man, put forth in England, so far as my knowledge extends, was by Granville Sharp, in 1767, for the release of "Jonathan Stuong," a slave to David Lisi.e. The slave was liberted on babeas corpus, and the owner, in the true slave-holding spirit, clialiengod Sharp to mortal combat for thus da ring 10 mainf.iin the rights of humanily. SUarp cont inbed his efforts until joined by Wilberforce anti other distingnished philamhropisis, whosH labors did not coase until their final triumnli. Bul long pievious to tliat time - indeed, a3 early as 1(540 - the good people of Massacliusetts, in general comí, liad taken measures to restore ceriain colored persons brongli' f rom África to lilis country as slaves, and actually sent tliem back lo tlieir liomes. It', tbcrefore ! the gentleman refers to effortsin behalfofcolored rnen, Massaclmsetts is entitled to the honor of first moving on the subject of Abolition. The Legiskture of that State was the first on this continent to give universal and equal liberty to all her people. Her Abolilion act, I believe, dates as lar back as 1780. The people of the other New England States, and of New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, soon became nists, and repealed their slave laws, and grad'ially restored liberty to their slave. All this, and mucli more, was done in this country, during the last century ; while the gentleman dates the movemerk in England subsequent to 1S24, and in this country as late as 1832. But I wih to cali the atlention of the gentleman to a very powerful anti slavery paper, drawn up by one Thomas Jefkeuson, in 1776, in which he asserts it to be a " sef-evident tralh" that " men are born equal, and are en dowed by their Creator with certain inalienable riglits, among which are life and liberty." Now, I desire to know whether he charges Mr. JefTerson witli being operated upon by liritidh influence ] Was John Hancock, and th other members of that Congress, acting under British influence when they signed the Declaraticm of Independence 1 At that period Virginia's nnblest sons were the boldest advócales of freedom. "Give me liberty or death" was the soul-stirring sentiment of her eloquent Henrv. and the watchword of her gallant sons who bied at Yorktown. Were the} exeited by Briúsh influence 1 At ihe close of the war James Madison, when he penned the address of the Congress of t'ie Confederation, assened that " it had ever been the pridfi and boast of America that the rights for which she contended WERE THE HIGIITS OF HUMAN NATUUR." Sir, if it be true that the spirits of those great men, from the regions of exalted intelligence, are nbservers of our discussions ín this Hall, what sensations must they have feit while that member stood here, in the presence of the nation, advocating oppression, degradation, and slavery? Ifcapable of mortification and chagrin, methinks they must have turned from the scène with loathingand abhorrènce. But, sir, the gentleman says it is " British influence" that encourages the spirit of liberty. Yes, sir, he would charge Benjamin Franktin wilh being under British influence when he acted as president of the first abolition society in the United States, and signed the firsl abolition pelition presented to Congress. And the eccentric Randolpli was under British influence when, in this Hall, with scathinc; eloquence, he denounced the "inhuman trafile in slaves" then carried on in this District, and which bas caused the present discussion. But, Mr. Speaker, those great men ot Virginia have passed away. and with lliein tlie njlory and tho moral power of the " Old Domininn" has departed. Then she stnod first amnng the States of thi.s Union. Now sho luis füllen, and " there is nono so poor as t.o do hor reverence." In the words of Thomas J. Randolpli, she "has become a vaat managerie, where men are reared for t!ia marUet like oxen for the shambles." The gentleman, however, dates the commencement of vvhat he calis the abolition excitement in theyear 1832. Why he has fixed that as the time hu lias failed to explain, and I am wholly ■ unable to conjecture. At that poriod the glave power controlled this Government, and dirocted its energies almost exclusively to the huildirg up of the slave interests of the South. lts influence was even pros; tituted to the mpport of the coastwise glave trade. Soon after thia our army was employed, in company with blood-luuinds, to arrest fugilive slaves n Florida, and deliver them to their masters. The treasure of our penple was nppropriated to these disgraceful purposes. No member of tliis body sounded the a'arm, or called the attention of the people to tlie fact that the ConBtitution was outraged, and tlie nation disgraced, for the benefit of slavery. The political horizon was oveicast, and all was dark and dreary. It was at such a time that Massachusetts sent to this Hall a man vvho had mingled with tlie héroes and patriots of tlie Revolulion. who liad drank deep at the fountains of learning, and had caught the inspiration of the better days of our Republic. His talents, his experience, his repiitation were equal to the task which lay before hirn. With a spirit of self-sacrifice. with cwaseless vigilance, with unrivalled powers, he entered upon the work of reformallon. A portion of the Representatives of Virginia arrayed themselvcs against him, and advocated the cause of oppression and slavery, in opposition to the doctrines of Jefferson, of Madisnn, of Washington, and of Henry. The rightof petition had been stricken down; the frnedom of debate had bren scouted from this Hall ; and when that world-honoied cliampion of freedom venerable for bis age, liis lea ruin" and his virtues, stood forth in this body and maintained the rights of tlie people to ask for the abolition of slavery and the accursed slave trade in this District, a Iteprentative from Virgina assfiiled liim and those who advocated the righis of man, and chargnd them with acting nnder " British ivfluence The gentlerrrrn from Virginia now merely repeats the charge.-and calis it his own tliunder. Let him ase it if it amuses him ; I am sure it will be harmless to others. As to the charges which the gentleman made against the Brilish Government, l will oi.ly say, that I am the advocate of no foreign Power. My duties are wilh my own Government to correct its abuses, to improve iti adrninistration, to ralso its character, and to maintain its honor and integrity. Nor am I able to discover how the hyponrisy practised by British staíesmen can diminish the responsibility under which we are placed. If, in the abolition of slavery they acted hypocritically, it can in no degree extenúale our guilt in maintaining the slave trade liere. The breeding of slavps and the traffic in human flesh carried on in the gentleman's District, is no less pffensive to God, or ]i ate ful to good men, because Brilish states men moy have acted deceitl'ully. They must answer ïvr their acts, we for ours. The tone and marnier of the gentleman was not unexpected to me. Excessive vanily and supercilious vaporing, seem to constuute a part of the slavuliolding churacter; it growg out of the intcre urse bctween inaster and slave. On this point l am sure the gentleman will admit the authority of Mr. Jefferson. In his notes on Virginia, (he alludc to no other State,) that distinguished author Bays : " The whole commerce between niaster and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading subinission on the other. " The man must be a prodigy who cari retain liis manners and inoráis undepraved by such circumstances." Yes, sir, Mr, Jefferson wel] uuderstood the effect of being educated in a slave-breediug comrnunity. He says, " the man must be a prodigy who could retain tus manners under such chcumstanoes." All who vvere presen:. to hear his speecli on Friday last vvili adimt, that the gentleman from Virginia is no prodiyg. It must be admitted, I think, that Mr. Jefferson was a very accurate observer of human character, and never did he write a more palpable truth than in tliis instance, But the gentleman has attempted to argüe tbe House inlo the belief that slavery is a.great Messing. I wish I had time to compare the improvement and progress of Virginia with that of New England or New York, and to show the effect which slavery has exerted in the "Oíd Dominion," scattering moral and physical desolation over the State of which Washington and Jefferson and Madison were once so pi-oud ; but I have no time to exam ine that matter. I must content myself wilh the words of Mr. Jefferson, who, when speaking of slavery, said : " With what execration should the statesman be loaded who, permilting one-half r.he citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforma ihose into despots and these into anémica, destroys the moráis of the one part, and the amor patrice of the other." It would be indelicate in me to heap execrations upon the gentleman from Virginia or upon his associaies in this Hall, who by their votes and official nfluence, " pcrmit onc portion of the peopl of this District to trample upon the. God-g i ven rights of the others, trantforming those into despols, and these into enemies" destroving the moráis of the slaveholders and the patrintism of the slave. These execrations were expressed by Vir ginia's noblest son, and they will be repeated hy historiaiis and by postenty. Slaves must of nrcessity always be enemies of the govornment that oppresses them, and Mr. Jefferson well remarka : " If a slave can have a country in this world, it must be any other in preference to that in which he is born to live and labor for another. These were ihe sentimenis of the great Apostle of Democracy. They commenJ thetnselves to onr judginenls ; we all admit their accuracy and jtislice ; yet, sir, vvliat feelings are rnanifested in this Hall and in the olher end of the Capitol, when we repeat the language of those sUtesmen, who in the early days o the republic spoke freely their senlimenls in regard to slavery ? A few days since the gentleman took occasion to speak sneeringly ofOliio, and to exlol tlie nsiitutions of his own State. Novv coulil the liberiies'and oppression of the people of Virginia bebroughi hio cormno.n stórfc and then Bacil vvere lo draw nul bis aliquot propoition of slavsry and of liberty, it would be pronounced at once tlie most barbarous and oppressive governmeiit upon e.irtli. Soppose tb.it gentleman by sucli eqnitable apportronment, were to receive, at tlie bands ol a.i inhuman over?eiM' or master, a scönrgmg nntil his lacerated flesh shonld liang in qtiivering shreds, or tu see bis daui;hter torn from his embrace, and sold at public auction for nameloss pnrpose, sbould we, in such case, hearhim exiol the humanity of his nnive State ? Were be to receive liis share of ibe oppression and misery and torture inflicted upon the slaves of that State, lie would, meibinks, be the last man hereafter to advocate a system wbich has been discarded by the Mohammedon barburinns of Algiers wJ of I Tunis. I would not have referred to Virginia, or her institutions, had nol the gentleman dragged them before the House, and lorced them into debate. Tlie gentleman seems to think the slaves mcapeble of taking care of themselves if manumiited. Tliis is a cominon retnark. Slaveholders generally urge the necessity of slavery to prevent the slaves frotn suffciing. - Tliis is now, and ahvays has been, the tyront's plea. Louis Phillippe fhought the people of France incapable of taking care of ihcmselves, and he therefore desired to exercise a sort of faiherly love for them. So it was with t!ie British Crown in 1776, and so it has always been with every opponent of freedom, from Nero down to the gentleman from Virginia. Why, sir, ihe slaves of the South now support not only tbemselves, hut tliey sustain their owners and families in a system of wastefu1 exiravagance. But he insists that they are destitute of the intellectual ability to manage their own aflairs. Sir, I shall not be doing that gentleman, nor any oiher S.outhern man, injustice, wlien I say that one of the most talented and eloquent men whom I have ever met from the shive States was ufugitive slavc. Give them the arlvantages we enjoy, and tliev are our equals intellectually. The late experirnents in the West India Islands bave shown to the world tlie fallacy of the gentleman's arguments. I have not time to examine this point further. The gentleman, however, says that abohlionisis look to the inmrrcction of iha slaves. Sir, who does nol lool to that inevitable result, unless the slave States remove the heavy bunhens which novv rest upon the downtrodden and degraded pepple whom they oppress? Is there a slaveholder who cati simt his eyes to this sure finale of slavery P And vvhy should we not nxpect it ? W-re we thus oppressed, outraged and abused, would we not use all the rneans which God and nature have placed within our power to remove such evils? Would not duty to ourselves, to our offspring, to God, and to humanity, demand that we should rise with one accord, and huil our oppressors from us ? Can we justify our fathers of the Revolution in their patriotic struggle for political freedom, and the.n turn round and condenan the slaves of the South for bieaking the chains whioh hold them in physical bondage and in intellectual degradation ? No, sir; no lover of jusiice, no unhiassed miad, could blame them for asserting and maintaining their inalienable rights. When ihat time comes, as come it must, we shall say with JefFerson, "the Abniglity has no attribule tkat will permit him to tuke side with the slavcltolder." Thus spoke the Sage of Monticello, and we are constrained to admit the truth and propriety of bis declaration. I will merely add, ihat wiih hiin " I tremblefor mij country ivhen Ireflect that God isjust, and that Ibis justice cannot sleep forevcr."