Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech

The ímmortal speech of Abraham Lincoln on the occasion of the dedication of a soldiers' monument at Gettysburg, is to be preserved in bronze on that battle field. It is fitting that this sublime utterance, burning with unquenchable fire, should be moulded in bronze and set up on this consecrated ground whither will journey the patriotic American of all generations, so long as the republic shall endure. It was long since enshrined in the school books of the nation, where it yearly inspires millions of our citizens of the future with the resolve that the principies of Americanism shall be preserved and perpetuated to the end of time. It is in every way worthy the honor shown it. It is one of the world's masterpieces, because it touches the universal heart. "It is the noblest condensa.tion into the fittest words of all the emotions, aspirations and sentiments that millions of mute peoplewanted at that moment to utter. No better, more masterful, vigorous English was ever spoken. lts style is marvelous. lts art, the highest. It is not the product of scholarship, of culture or ot effort, but the flow of the inimitable genius of Abraham Lincoln. Says one who stood by and heard it delivered: "It catne upon us after the ponderous and elabórate rhetoric of Edward Everett, like a blaze of real rire after a matchless picture of fire. It sprang, like the strophes of old, out of a chastened heart, almost broken with tlie weight ot conquest, but still dauntless in its American faith; and the man who spoke the words was, for the moment, transfigurad for us, and nis f urrowed face and gaunt form took on the light that never was on land or sea, so that he became the archetype of the people themselves, uttering better than he knew, the great prayer of that finer and better humanity that our fathers and we believed was to come with liberty and equality out of storm and stress and an unshaken confidence in man." Nothing could be more appropriate than to confer distinction upon this unique and patriotic utterance by making it unperishably memorial. "Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the nroposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whethér that nation, or any nation so conceived and dedicated, can long ' endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedícate a portion of that field as a resting-place for those who liere gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But in a larger sense we cannot dedícate, we cannot consécrate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remeniber, what me say here, but it can neverforget whattbey did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unönished work which they who fought liere have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last f uil measure of devotion; that we here liighly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, tinder (Wd, shall have a new birtb of freedom, and that government, of the people, by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.' In a speech in the senate, on the thirtieth uit., Senator Sherman showed that he considers it impossible to longer avoid the financial issue with which congress has seen fit to dally and temporize for the past twenty years. VVhile believing in the use of silver to the largest extent possible without demonetizing gold, he stated frankly where he would be found, and his, reasons therefore, if the issue was forced as to whether this country should be on a silver or a gold Standard. LJndoubtedlv his utterances are in accord with the most advanced and safest financial and business thought of the times. He spoke, in part, as follows: It is manifest Ihat a contest whether this country should be on a Standard of silver or on a standard of gold money could not be longer avokled. Th at is the question which loorns in thedistance. I had hoped that fortlie present session, at least,' it would not have to be taken up. Every man in the country wlio is familiar with the financial condirions feels that it is necessary toextend to the Government some relief under present circumutances; and yet senators are told that they should give no relief whatever, except with the adoption of a measure for the free coinage of silver. I beljeve that the adoption of the system of free coiiiage of silver would degrade the nation among the financial people of the world, among the business men of the world, yes, among the laboring men of the world, more than any measure that could be devised. If, therfore, the choiee is between a gold standard and a silver standard, and if one or tne otüer must be adopted, I am for that standard wliicli is the highest and best, and wliich is the standard of all the civilized and Christian nations of Europe, while the other Standard has been rejected over and overagain. I have always believed, however, anr I still believe, that both silver and gold ought to be maintained as the circulation of this country - gold as the highest measure of value in all our commercial relations abroad, and as a basis of our commercial and business relations at home; and silver to be used to the largest extent possible, so long as it does not demonetize gold. There is a lesson in the receñí experience of Idaho with a statute making obligations of all kinds payable in either gold or silver, all contracts to the contrary notwithstanding, which it would be well for the country at large to learn, and learn well. The law was passed in the interest of silver. How did it opérate ? It not only failed to advantage silver, but it served to drive capital from the state. An experience of two years with the law seemed to convince the most radical silverites of that state of their blunder, and the present legislature has wiped the capital scaring, business depressing act from the statute books. As this law served to degrade the state with financiers and among business men, and laboring men as well, so a national statute of similar import would, no doubt, opérate upon the financia] men of the world and the business and labor interests of the nation. The United States senate, self-dubbed "the most august deliberative body in the world," has become so wrapped up in "senatorial courtesy' and oblivious to progress that it seems quite impossible for it to pass any measures except such as no one has interest enough in to oppose, or such as represent Corporation or private senatorial interests which in very many instances are one and the same. Whatever the country may think of the course of Senator Hill generally, it isalways with him when he attacks the asinine rules of the senate. A bilí has been introduced into the Massachusetts egislature the purpose of which is to prevent women wearing big hats to the theatre. Vain endeavor! It cannot be done. It was tried in England years ago and failed. There are some things that cannot be reached by legislation and big hats at the theatre is one of them.