l'lii' followlug letter was written to Mr. II W. Newklrk, oí tuis city. In respouse to a letter maklug lnqulry as to the state of uffalrs among the laborlng classes eaat, and we are permltted to copy lt, Iellevlug that our readers wlll flnd lt In every way worthy of pernsal.1- Kn. Courier. New Yokk, August let, 1888. Dear Siu:- At the request of Mr. Henry E. Fitzgerald from whom I obtained your address I am reiiuested to write you and sny soinetlilng regarding the matters spoken of in your letter to Mr. Fitzeerald of the 28th uit. I feel that iny intímate knowledge of the labor niovement in this section of the country for the past twenty yearg, affords me an opportunity to speak With some degree of of certainty abont how the workingraen regard the great questions that ure now agitating the public mimi. For the past tlx inonths it has been my especial duty to canvas the worklngmen of New York City and Brooklyn, and eet their views upon the message of president Cleveland, the Mills bill and the t.irill' question in general. I have tlierefore been afforded an opportunity of ascertaining the views of mostly all classes of labor, from the hijchest grade of skillod mechanics down to tbe lowest grade of unskilli'il labor, and my experience bas beeu that the reut majority of the labor element of this section of tlie state are 8troiigly in favor of protectlon to American industries and of preserving the hih Standard of American wages, and my word for it that any mnmint of sophistry or philo8ophy on the part of that democratie stump, will not beable to convince tbe average American workman (and especitilly those of foreign birth) that bis conditions will be in any way bettered by reducing him to the level of the European workman, a fact consequent upon a great reduction of our tarilt'duties sucb as is now contemplated by the Mills bill, which bas already passed the democratie house of representatives. Should that bill in its present form pass the senate, and be enacted into law, it would simply destroy gome of tha most important industries in this and othrr sections of the country. The natural result would be the loss of employment to thousands upon thoiisands of American mechanics and workmen, thereby filling the labor market with additional thousands to those already unemployed, causing the scramble for employment, which is now sufllciently great to be doubled, yes, tribled, and causing, as a matter of course, a general reduction ot wages in every branch of industry, which mustnecessarily follow the loss of employment to a large nuinber of people. For the reasou that those who are unemployed will seek the places of those employed, if not at the same, at less than their more fortúnate brethern were recelving, and the natural desire and tendency for cheap labor coupled with cheap commodities wlll become so great that tinto i-i do telling where it will stop. In your letter you express u special desire to know how the Irish-Amerlcan view me ïiuiuion, üoiv uiey iook pon Cleveland'? message in particular. I am t ti a position to know that the intelligent Irïsh-American citizea looks upon Mr. Cleveland's message with a good tlea! of distrust mul helieve tbat it is only one more instance of li is pro-Knglish ideus and policles. However the protection Issue is not the ouly score the Irish-Ameiican tms to setlle witli Mr. Cleveland. There are three distlnct questiotis which enter into this ¦:! itipiiiri . upon cither uf which the Irish and all foreisn born citizens should feel justly igrieved. They are the protection issue, Ihe lislieries issue, and the extraditlon issue. Tivo of these are equally important to the native and foreiftn born eiti.en who earns bis bread by labor. Hut the thiid and last, the "extradition," issue is one of paramount Importanoe to the f'oreign born citizen who has any spark of love f'or the land of bis birlh, or who luis any concern for the welfare of kith and kin wliose lot muy be cast under the tyrannical rulo or oinu Kiiropcan (W'S[t. By the terms of the contemplati'd exrradition treaty now awaiting the sauction of the United States señale, should it pass, evury uian In Europe with a spark of iiMtiona! sentiment, or with a desire to better the conditions of the unhappy people of any of its countries, especially Ireland, would be at the mercy of the despotic fovernmeuts under whose fi g they may coinmit a political ott'ence, wbleta could be construed into any of the crimes enumerated in the additional cl luse to rlit! pratent extradition treaty. England is ]articularly anxious for tlie passage of this treaty, for bv it she would be afiorded a better opportunlty of terrifying tlie Iilsh people, and driving them luto submisslon. It would ve lier the right of extraditlng uader one plea or another, every man wlio may in defence of his home commit somo act or for soine other political rea9on becompelled to flee tlie country and come to America as tbousands of his countrymen before liim liad to do. But with this treaty in operation, Kngland would take them back, haog or imprison tliem just as she aaw at. ín 1884 the Irish-Americin vote of the state of New York to the extentof 80,000 was cast In favor of James G. Blaine, all democratie voters at tlmt and this time with "protection," the " flsheries treatj," all Enitlisli meas res before them I candidly bellere it will reaeh 150,000 such is the state of affairs in New York. With kindest regareis 1 remain yours 174 5th Ave., N. Y. City.