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Parent Issue
Day
20
Month
December
Year
1974
OCR Text

How the Rockefeller world-wide insurance plan determines US foreign policy, guarantees the safety of investments abroad and handpicks US Secretarles of State. "The long-term security of the United States is linked directly to the developmcnt of hackward nat ons into stabie political entities. " David Rocke feller. April 19, 196 7. Address to the Council on Foreign Relations Iwant Rockefeller to be a full partner..." explained Ford n a recent issue of Newsweek magazine. "He has many, many connections, of course, over the years- academie, business, financial. You know he has always had good people. At least I think he has." If the ecstatic photos of Rockefeller and the Rodino-led House Judiciary Committee roaring with goodfellowed laughter foretells the future, the floundering Mr. Ford will have given a great sigh of relief by the time this is printed. Nelson Rockefeller will be Vice-President of the United States. "Pete (Rodino) pretty well assures me...that...they will probably vote on the 2Oth of December," ventured Ford. Ford has good reason to feel some relief with Rocky beside him in the driver's seat. As a member of the world's richest family and privy to all the financial, political and sheer brain-power that such wealth has bought in the last century, Nelson is the choice of U.S. imperialism in this, its hour of darkness. Now that our once-great leader Nixon mismanaged his way into the embcurassing years of Watergate its time for the Eastern establishment to publically take up the gauntlet and seize the reins of power. With the doublé whammy of inflation-recession at home, the Third World nations feeling their muscle and Venezuela nationalizing U.S. owned industries, what could be better for the multi-national corporations than world-wise Nelson Rockefeller stepping up to bat. He and his family have been running U.S. foreign policy and determining the fate of the rest of the planet for years anyway. Henry Kissinger didn't just rise meteor-like to diplomatic stardom. He's been the Rockefeller's personal advisor on foreign policy since his professorship at Harvard. In the past 100 years the Rockefeller family fortune has grown from one small refinery in Cleveland, Ohio to the control of 20% of U.S. industry. (Representative Wright Patman, Chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, uses ownership of 5% of a corporation's stock as indicative of great influence if not outright control.) While the Rockefeller fortune is still róoted in the oil industry (the world's most powerful), they have expanded into almost all areas of industry and finance. See if these names sound familiar. Standard Oil of New Jersey, Mobil Oil, Eastern Airlines, Pan Am, Metropolitan Life, CBS, IBM, Borden Foods, Chevron, Anaconda Copper? How about the Chase Manhattan Bank? The products the Rockefellers have developed créate the very fabric from which modern life is woven. The Rockefeller's empire is not limited by the territorial borders of the United States. They found out very early in the game that, as Nelson explained on TV, "the economie problems today are that of a world economy and therin the answers lie." Over 50% of Rockefeller's Standard Oil assets are located abroad. With operations in over 100 nations, it is the world's largest private overseas investor. In 1967 it sold one out of every seven gallons of fuel marketed in the "f ree world". It's not hard to see why the Rockefellers are so interested in the foreign policy of the United States and in the political and economie loyalties of the people who rule the nations they have purchased an interest in. Nations like Japan and Germany were bought off early. The Marshall Plan took care of that right after World War II, pumping massive amounts of financing into these states, creating an unending debt and loyalty. But other nations are harder to buy, and its not a good investment when your copper mines or oil fields get nationalized by a socialist government, like Cuba-or Chile before the coup. In the name of good business, the Rockefellers are pledged to do everything in their ability to insure the security of their investments abroad. When they send the troops to Vietnam they say they are protecting the world from communism. But when t comes down to the nitty-gritty, it's the big buckthat's at stake. The Rockefeller family is so interested in U.S. foreign policy that it has set up its own lobbying organization, the Council on Foreign Relations. Membership, by invitation only, ncludes 1400 members of the nation's business, finance, mass media and academie elite, David Rockefeller, Chairman of the Chase Manhattan Bank and one of Nelson's illustrious brothers is Chairman. Kissinger has long been a member as was Nixon, JFK and Eisenhower. In fact, most of the nation's cabinet officers, Presidential advisors and commission heads have been members. The Council operates by issuing reports from expert committees which shape the direction of U.S. foreign policy. The domestic counterpart to the Coancil on Foreign Relations is the Committee for Critical Choices for America headed by none other than Henry Kissinger's wife Nancy. Ever since Harry Truman named Dean Acheson his Secretary of State, that post has been held by Rockefeller business associates or employees. Acheson was a top Rocky lawyer; his successor, John Foster Dulles, was another Rocky lawyer; and a president of the Rockefeller Foundation. When Dulles died, Christtan Herter (who married into Standard Oil) became Secretary of State. Nixon's first choice in 1968 was George Harrar, President of the Rockefeller Foundation but Harrar declined, so Nixon asked an old friend, William P. Rogers. Rogers wasn't well versed in the foreign affairs department so Nelson Rockefeller loaned Nixon his own personal foreign affairs advisor, Henry Kissinger. In the last year Henry has moved right into his inherited place as Secretary of State. The Rockefellers don't limit their activity to lobbying in the foreign affairs department. They (and the Fords, Carnegies and others) have their own tax-exempt, philanthropic organizations that are convenient and useful in a variety of situations. The largest of these, the Rockefeller Foundation, was one of the mechanisms the Rockefeller family used to retain control of the various companies created from the trust-busted Standard Oil empire. The initial capital of the foundation was composed of large blocks of stock in the main successor companies of the original oil trust. With over half the foundation's income generaled by U.S. oil companies which depend on foreign operations for half their profits, it figures that the foundation would spend "fully 75% of its revenue on the creation of elites, modernization of infrastructures and purchase of goodwill overseas." The Rocky Foundation gives more for such overseas projects than any other U S foundation Basically they edúcate the ruling classes of Third World nations to the traditions and benefits of working in the mterests of U.S. corporations. In Latin America, the foundation's main focus is agricultural research, population control (the efeller answer to mass starvation) and university "modernization" (i.e. the creation of Americanized elites). Colombia, a major producer of oil in Latín America and the proposed site for a new nteroceanic canal (the Panamamans are making it too hot to count on their canal) received the largest Rockefeller Foundation grants of any country in Latin America in 1967. Dr. Alberto Lleras Camargo, former president of Colombia and current editorial board chairman of Vision (the Times of Latin America) was named a foundation trustee in 1967. OK, so far the Rockefellers have got foreign policy and foreign rulers covered. Now what about international business? The Rogkefeller family holds a solid five percent of the stock in the Chase Manhattan Bank, the 2nd largest in the U.S. and the most nfluential U.S. commercial bank in international operations. Chase Manhattan has expanded in the Caribbean by setting up branch banks, but it penetrates the more difficult regions by acquiring affiliates. When a local bank is in trouble, Chase Manhattan comes to the rescue and bails them out, acquiring shares of undervalued stock for greatly reduced pnces. Once Chase has established affiliates in several countries, t uses them not only for local banking services but to finance large international loans. So Chase Manhattan can bankroll friendly governments and break those it considers its enemies, solely through the extensión or withdrawal of credit internationally. Take the example of Anaconda Copper, a Rockefeller controlled corporation, and its role in the military coup in Chile. From 1969 through 1970 a group of banks, led by Chase Manhattan, extended $250 million in credit to Anaconda, owner of most of the Chilean copper ndustry. Anaconda prospered accordingly. But the election of Marxist Allende provoked the meeting of the Forty Committee, at which Kissinger ordered economie and political action, covert and overt, to "destabilize" the Allende regime. In early 1971 Chase Manhattan called in the loan. That year Anaconda reponed a loss of $356 million, shaking the Chilean economy to its bones. It is since common knowledge that one of the objects of Kissinger's policy was to, pu 1 1 money out of Chile, provoke Allende and produce economie chaos. Chase Manhattan has very friendly credit relationships with the current military regime. In the case of the Greek dictatorship, Chase Manhattan led other banks in a hopeless venture to preserve the bankrupt and unpopular military government. In spring 1974, 60 banks loaned $250 million to the Bank of Greece. When U.S. bankers questioned the wisdom of such a loan to a tottering regime, the Nixon administration urged them to go ahead. Today that debt still stands and, recently, the Greeíc finance minister and the head of the Bank of Greece carne to Washington to voice concern that the $250 million could be used to forcé the Greeks to remain loyal to NATO and agreeable to American policy regarding Cyprus. When economie sanctions fail to squelch or ameliorate an uppity nation, there are more radical measures in store. Like the CIA and, if they aren't successful, the US Marine Corps. Recently the story of the mysterious CIA has become available to the public through the Chile revelations and Mark's and Marchetti's book, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence. The ClA's basic plan is to buy people. They get foreign students when they are in US colleges, government officials, journalists, and others in strategie positions. The ClA's budget goes to pay these spies and informants and to f nance the provocation of ncidents that are to the advantage of US corporate interests. In a soon to be released book, another ex-CIA agent, Phillip Agee, tells how, as an agent in Equador, he planted secret ctocuments n the toothpaste of a vocal leftist agitator as he left for a visit to Cuba. He tipped off the Ekuadorian government and they arrested the leftist, who has been n jail ever since. In 1953 Standard Oil became worried when Premier Mohammed Mossadegh of i started nationalizing oil companies. So Teddy Roosevelt's grandson (who later became a top exe Jtive of Gulf Oil) led a Cl A-run coup that replaced Mossadegh with the current Shah, who turned a jnd and gave Standard a carte blanche indevelopinglran's oil reserves. With the large profits the Sh accumulated, Iran has acquired the most well equipped and advanced military operation of any nor uclear power. Located strategically to the west of the other Arab oil producers, Iran is the staunc illy of the U.S.and keeping in fighting trim. "We've done some good things...in the economy ar overseas too.- Iran and Guatemala," said President Eisenhower. "There was a time when we had a v y desperate situation in Central America and we had to get rid of a communist government," he adde That was Guatamala. In 1954 Standard Oil and United Fruit were threatened by nationalization. In no time at all the leftist leader was overthrown and replaced with a fascist general. And then there was the Congo. In 1960 Nelson Rockefeller suggested another Korean war to "free" the Congo from communist clutches. Independence leader Patrice.Lumumba was nationalizing foreigncorporations and kicking out UNtroops . So the CIA moved in, captured Lumumba, beat, tortured and killed him. Joseph Mobutü, who had fought in the Belgian army and worked for a French newspaper, became ruler. Soon after nis inauguraron, David Rockefeller led the first expedition of U.S. businessmen to the Congo to investígate the "nvestment climate". In no time Pan Am took over the local airline, AT&T built a subsidiary, Esso went looking for oil and Standard of Indiana went into copper. In 1-665 the Rocky powers discovered thafPresident Sukarno of Indonesia had communist leanings. Henry Kissinger immediately went to work, training friendly Indonesians to take over and run the government. Then the Rocky Foundation, the University of California, the Ford Foundation, MIT and Harvard joined in. After the coup the Rockefeller trained people took over. Five hundred thousand communists and peasants were massacred. Nixon said, "Indonesia is the greatest prize in Southeast Asia." When the U.S. decides the stakes are worth calling in "our own boys", the military-industrial complex gets an added income boost. The Rockefellers control seven of the top 20 military contractors. In Vietnam IBM's electronic battlefield constantly signaled planes to drop the automation industry's bombs. Tanks, powered by Standard Oil, pounded away on the ground and Pan Am flew U.S. soldiers in and out of the country. David Rockefeller said, "I expect U.S. oil companies will nvest six billion dollars in Southeast Asia during the '70' s." When the Marines landed in the Dominican Republic in 1965, the largest company there was the Rockefeller controlled South Puerto Rico Sugar Co. ■CDhtinueti tn page"T2 Kissinger didn't just happen to rise meteor-like to stardom in the world diplomatic corp. He's been the Rockefeller's personal advisor on foreign policy since his professorship at Harvard.