Whenthe design of organizing a separate and independent party was first deter inined upon, a considerable portion of min istersand brethren of different denominations feit that ihey should be obligedlo cease the effbrts they had hcretoforc made in behalf ofabolition,on account of its anticipated connection with politics. Il' a minister should preach in favor of aboliciÃ³n, he would necessarily find himself preaching in favor of a polilical abolition party, and rather than do this, he would prefer not to open his mouth at all for the oppressed. This ground was taken by many, and to somc extent has been adhered to by somc Upon examination, howcver, it will be found that ministers may preach against elavery, as a sin, and may reeommend to iheir churches to bear testirnony against ' lbo iniquities of elavery, and uliimately to exclude slaveholders fiom fellowship and membership, and yet not advocato a political party. If they believe that moral Buasion will procure the liberation of the elave, let them approvc and commend its practice in every church j and let the highest form of moral suasion, viz: the solcmn expression of the feelings of the church, be eent forth lo the world, and to the alaveholder, to persuade and convinee. Those brethren, therefore, whclher ministers or laymen, whodenoimce political action, and yet do not practice thal moral suasionwhich they ihemselves belicve in, appear to be inconsistent. If the friends of the slaye are known by their works, what shall we think of thosÃ¼ who perform no works? They are like the Apostle's man of verbal charity, who said, "Be ye warmed and filled." The feelings are the great moving principies of action. He who feels deep ly for the slave, will act for him in cvery way he can consistently with his principies. Henee we sec that many thousands who have not yet fully seen the necessity of political action, have been found ready to act in their churches for the reformalion ofthisgreat cvil . Their action shows their sincerity. They are disposed to dÃ¶ what they can as far as thcy can see their duty, and it will bc found that they will soon vote for the slave as well as pray for him. There is no sin in voting for universal liberty, any moro than there is in voling for a National Bank, or a Sub-Treasury. It aeems absurd to lay down such a proposition in so many words, and yet there are not wanting those who try to persuade abolitionists that voting for the slave, if it be not sin, is next neighbor to it. Not long since, we heard a minister, in a labored discourse, waru his congregation against the course pursued by those who approved of voting for the slave. He represonted their measures to be irnpropcr, very unwise, and that they would certainly be unsucecssful, and gave theaudience distinctie to understand, that political abo! ilion ists nad ceased to pray and depend on the lord, and were now relying on an arm of flesh- on the strength of man's devices, &c. Now this gentleman has been known for years as an abolitionist, and has been f late unwilling to preach on abolition leat he should bc supposed to bo preaching politics, and yet it secms he is willing cnough to preach against a political party! No objection to that. f Such a course will, howcver, soon bediscarded by thosewho are really interested for the cause of emancipation. The Hancock Baptist Association of Maine, have taken a posilion ihe very reverse. At their meeting, June 24, it waa Resolved, That it is the duty of Christians and phihnihropists to lake a deeper intereBt in the abolition of American i very. Resolved, That we cannot.consistently, give our suÃfrages to any man for office, who is u slaveholder, or favorably disposcd to tho system of American slavcrv.