The SOUTH governs the NATION- no man n lus senses will disputo thia. The guestion is settled. The gag resolution of Mr. Patton, forced upon the House without pernutting debate, by the mandate of the Convention of southern members- tho adop tion (m substance) of Mr. Calhoun's resolutions in the Senate- the indefinite postponement or rejection, by the eamc body, of Mr. Moma' and Smith's resolution in favor ot freedom of speech and of the press- these are e vente which eettle the questioa of SOUTUERN SUPREMACY, and equally prove that the SOUTH GOVERNS ACCOUD1NG TO HER OWN CREED ! The intelligent yeomanry of the northern states- our hardy farmers and mechantes will naturally wish to know precisely tchat the creed of the South is. Herb it is- look at it. creed of the south. Mr. Leigh, iu the Virginia Convention of 1829, said: - "Thero must be 6orne peasantry; and as the country filb up, there must be more- that is, men who lend the herds and dig the soil, who have neither real nor personal capital of their own, and who earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow. laskgtn flemen to say, whelher they belitve that those who depend on thtir daily subststence can or do ever enter into political affairsi- Professor Dew, of VVilliam and Mary College, in Virginia, speaks of elavery in the following impious strain: "I would say let us cherish this institulion wliich has been built up by no sin of ours- let us cleave to t as the ARK OF OUR SAFETY. Expediency, MORALrrr. and RELIGIÃN, alike demand its conlinuance; and perhaps I would not not hazard too much in theprediction, that the day will come whcn the whole Confederacy will regard it as the sheet anchor of our countrv's LIBERTY." . y Again he sayo : "Ã¼omoslic alavery, such as oura, ia the only inatitution which I know of. that can secure the spirit of equality among freetnen, [i. e. among the anstocracy] so neceesary 10 the true and genuine feelmg of republi canism, without propelling the body politie at the eame time into the dangerous vices of agrarian8in and legislativo intenneddling be tween the laborer and capitalist. Theoccupations which we follow, necessarily and unavoidably crÃ©ales distinctions in society. To say that all coofer equal honor, if well followed even, is not true. THE Hl RELINGS WHO PERFORM the MENIAL OFFICES OF LIFE, WILL NOT, AND CANNOT BE TREATED AS EQUALS BY THEIR EMPLOYERS. And thuse who stand ready to execute all our conimands, no matter vvhat they may be, for mere pecuniary reward, caniiot ieel theineelves equal to'QUS. in reality, however much their reason m.iy be bewilderod by the voice of sophistry." [Prof. D. then goes or. to denounce universal suffrage in a etate whero there are no slaves.] "Political pover (at the South) is Ihus taken from the hands of those who might abuse it, and placed in the handa of those who are most interested in its judicious exercise, (i. e. slaveholding tyrants.) HOW CAN HE GET WISDOM THAT HOLDETII THE PLOUGH, THAT DRIVETH OXEN, AND IS OCCUPIED IN THE LABORS, AND WHOSE TALK IS OF BULLOCKS? But whilst the political effects of our social system are so peculiarly beneficial, the moral effeets are no lesa strifiiiiof and advantageous [! !] I have no hesitaÃ¼on in aiBrming, that the relation between the capitalist and laborer in the South, is kinder and more productive of genuine attachment, than exists between the same dasjes any where else on the globe, [.'!]- Free frora that constant feeling of insecuri. ty that continua!! haunts the poor man of" HM other countrieÃ¶, he moves on [like a horae in a bark-mill] in the round of bis exiatence, conlented and happy." Gov. M'Duffie, in nis Annual Message to the Legislature of South Carolina, a little more than two yeara ago, eaid : "No comtnunity ever exiated without do mestic servitude, and we may confidently aesert nono ever wili. In the very nature of thmgs, there must be classes of persons to discharge all the different offices of society, from the highest to the lowest. Some of these offices are regarded as degradine, though tliey must and will be performed.--Henee those manifold forma of dependent eervitude, which produce Ã¡sense ofsupenority m the mastora or employers, and of infenority on the part of servants. When these offices are performed by mtmbcrs of the â pohlical eemmunity, a dangkrous element IS OBV1OU81Y IKTRODUCED INTO THK BODT roLiTic. . . . It will bo fortÃºnate for the non-slaveholding etatee, if they are not, JN LESS THAN A QUARTER OP A CENTURY, driven to the adopUon of a SIMILAR INSTITUTION [filavery] or to take refuge from robbery and anarchy under a military despotism. ... In a word, the inÃªtitution of slavery aupersedea tht ncessÃ¼y of an order oj nubility" [ .'] Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, was not afraid to aasert upon the floor of Congrese, that "The South had lens trouble with their slaves than their PREE LABORERS, aa the recoid8 of criminal justice, and the newspaper accounts of the northern mobs fuliv showed," J The Legislature of South Carolina fully responded to the sintiments of Gov. Mclume'e Message, as above quoted. TUE CREED ENFORCED. 1. A resolution adopted, declaring thl 8LAVES are not entilled to the right of rcTITION. 1. A resolution adopted declaring that the tetitions of yiueEMEs shall 6e laid on the table, without being dtbated, printed, read, or referred, and that nofurther action be had thereon" ! 3. The resolutions of Mr, Calhoun adopted, asserting the demanda of slavery and denying the rights of freemen. 4. The Senato declining to recognize the freedom of speech and of the press. "In LEas Tnxjf a (uartbr of a okntort," according to the prediction of Governor McDullie, the laborinq people of thk NORTU WERK TO SECÃME SLAVES ! Has the prediction been already fulfilled? If not, why are freemen consenting to be[go verned according to the slaveholders' crebd?