Press enter after choosing selection

"It Is Not Time Yet."

"It Is Not Time Yet." image
Parent Issue
Public Domain
OCR Text

La9t year, when abolitionists wero called , upon to support, by their votes, the principies of Liberty, thoy wisiied to be excused ( 'just for this once." Many of thom have repented, and are now determine to be , consistent voting antislavcry men. Now wo are met by no sinall number of pro-slavtry partizans, chiefly Whigs, who do not wish to meet the posilions of the Liberty party in the face, and they there fore altempt to créate a false issue, by saying, "We have no doubt the time s coming when there will be but too parties - a libcrty and a slavery party; but the time is not yet come; the inovement is premature, and will be nowuneuccessful, although ulliroately (riumphant. Wiien l think the proper time has come, I too shall join the liberty party; but till that time shall have arrived, I shall vote as I have done." There nave been such people in all ages of the world. The Jews wcre accustomed to ihe same method of self-deception. When ihcir prophets foretold events wliich intimately conccrned their welfare, and whicl) hey could not but believe, they said, "He prophesieth of things lliat are afar o(T; tho visión that he seelh is for many days." When the propriety of changing the pledgej against the use of ardent spirits into a total abstinence pledge was first agitated, many a good minister and deacon prophesied the destruclion of the cause if such a measure sliould be persisted in. It would produce disuuion, conluntion and strife, and perhaps the ruin of the whole undertaking. We who livefivcyears after that time know how vain have been these anticipations. And we see now distinctly, that that is the only fooling on which the cause can prosper. - The real friends of temperance have all beconie total abstinents; while a few members üf the old socicties, who never had any heart in Ihc cause, have gone baek lo their ruuidrinking babits. A similar crisis hae now oceurred in the anti-slavery cause. The cyos of some have been openeJ, so that they see the necessity and consistency of voting, as ivell as praying andtalking against slavery, while at the eame time not a few have been crying out, "We can'tgo wjth you" - "You'il ruin the cause" - "ifou'Jl divide the friends" - "The other grt-at interests" - "Don't bring it into poli-. tics" - "It is not time yet," &.c. NotwtthBtanding theee shouta have been ringing in in their ears from every side, from the learned and the inorant, from the church and the pro-slavery caucus, from real friends and open foes, the conviction that slavery must be opposed politically is spreading through community with immense velocity, and at a pace, constantly accelpraled. It begins to be acknowledged by pro-slavery parti&ans. The very objection at the head of this article, "It is not tune yet," admils tacitly that at a future time, political action will be rightand proper.But, admitting ihat political action against elavery is proper in ilself, is it true that the proper lime to use it bas not arrived? The political power of slavery is m exercise to day, and has been since the government wa8established. It is exercised by a slaveholding President, and ts political influence ie feit through tho nation in all its concernes -in carrying on a war to catch slaves - in the uncqual división of the public revenue -in the National Gag- -m the appuintments of ministers to Foreign Courts - and in the continuance of our national slave trade. - The United State3 Government have even legislated so low as to prevent a colored man to drive a mail stage. Pro-slavery political power is exercised in the slave States, without jnterraiasion, in rigorous enacirnentsagainst the slave - in making laws to lynch abolitionists - in plundering the post offices - in driving the free colored people from their homes - lcgally extorting from them their property - depriving them of education - and ''making their lives a prey." In the frce States, pro-slavery political power , plays iiself in ils oppression of the colored man - depriving hun of his vote - of trial hy j jury - and in some cases of his vote in courts of justice, and of protecticn from the white : man'e violence. We see, then, that holuers have no scruple to use their politi j cal power now, and ought it nol to be resistcd noiv polilicailv.' But we ask, if the time has not y et come, when will it come? What shall we wait for? Shall we be better prepared to leave the old political parties next year than this? We i can have no prospect of the vation of thoie parties, and of their return to the principies of liberty. That the Democralie party, as such, has been pro-slavcry since the time that Martin Van Buren gave his veto pledge in his Inaugural address, cannot truly be donied. The whig party is now split into two divisions, directly antagonist to ench olher; onc headed by Clay, and the othei by Tyler, both slaveholders and slavebreeders, and under one or the other of these champions, the Whig freernea of the frce States must rally, if they retnain true to their party It will not do for them to say, 'We will have a Northern man at the head of the Whig party, who will advocate the principies of liberty." For this plain reaeon. In advocating them such a leader would immediately come in contact with theslaveholder on the ngnt oí petición, or on jome oíher point, and the vvhole of the Southern Whigs would go over to the Detnocrats who stand ready to receive them, and the party would be down. In other words, the moment the Northern Whigs take anlislavery ground, the Southern Whigs will secede. Consequently, it follows, not by chance oí by accident, but by invincible jsecessity, ihat whilo the Whig party exsts it must do the bidding of the sláveholders. Sn far. then. as the position of the great political parties are concerned, the way for political anti slavery action is now as fully prepared as it ever will be. We have no doubt whatever thal thetruly patriotic throughout the community will soon join those who vote f'orliberty. The standard is now unfurled, and the people will soon feul themselves compelled to lake a stand on one side or the other. They will see that tney cannot remain neutral, but he who does not act for liberly must be against it. QJA colored man, bis wife, and two cliildren were lately arrested in the coun!y of Lorain, Ohio, upon the claim of E B. Reeder of Cincinnati, a Methodist, that they were lus property. The court set the prisoneis at liberty on the ground that the Black law requires the claim to bo mado by the owner of the slave or lus agent, and the mar; making the aflidovit had not provee that he was the agent of the owner. The colored people ate now safe, beyond the reachoftheir Christian Master. Thisslave holder resided in a freo State. ' VVbat have the North to do wilh slavery?'fjJMobs seem to be the order of the day in the West and South. An attempt was recenüy made tu 6etfire to the barn of Rev. J. Mahan of Ohio, well known as an :ibolition:st, and to attack his house at the same time. Mr. Mahan and family provided ihemselves wilh arms, and fired upon the ruíTians. Several shots wero fired on both sides, and the son of Mr. Mahan had his shirt set on fire by the shot of his assailants. The villains fled, one of thern apparently being wounded, but they have not since been discovered. The attempt to fire the barn failed cwmg to the dampness of the night. (CWe have received the second numbe of "The Disciple," a small paper, edited b Enoch Mack, of Dover, N. H., and publiáh cd at Boston. It advocates Temperance- non-resistancc - the equality of woaien - un on of all behevers witlnut distinction o; 80ct or condition and no ccclesiastical or ganizaüon. It s eustained entirely by con tribu tions. A cali has been issued fora great meeet ing at the Anniversary of the American A S. Society at Albany, Oct. 6. The Great We3tern Convention of Auti slavery Methodists is appointed to be held a Cincinnati, Oct. 20. {JTThe Church in Williston Vt., has vu to d to withdraw all fellowship from slave holders,