Slave Labor And Free Labor: Extracts From An Address Of Hon....

1 hc great body of our people I atn con i scious desire to pursue that course which J will conduce to the best interests of com t mauity and of mankind. It ib thercfure í to them that I now address a few hints i on a subject to which my attention has in ' the discharge of my official chities been ' much directed: I rnean the conflict f twecn the Slave labor of tho South and ' the tree labor of the Norlh. During the late aeesion oï Congress, 1 many of the Southern and some ! ern politicians on varioiu occasions declared ibis to be a question f all others ! he most intcresting to the untion. For three years I have Been the Southern ( siatesman in Congressional debate, ( ine, weigh, and delennino llieir actioh ' on alraost every important subject ' ted for consideration, by the effect which ( thoy supposed it would have upon slave ' labor. - Thia appcars to be, and to have ' ever been their rule of action. VVhat ' er goes to encouroge slave labor and they ' sustain it, and whatever encourages free labor ihey generally opposo uponthe principie that itis opposed to their interests. - This feeling doos not prevade all the south ern representativos. On the contrary, there are some honorable members who appear willing to grant the North their rights, while they desire, earnestly desire to protect their own to the fullest extent; yel it may with all justice be said that the great división betwecn the North and the South, arises frotn the conflicts between slave and free labor. At the adoption of ourConstitution there were ceriain great and important conces.. sions made by the North in favor of slavery, viz: that provisión of the Constitution which regards slave3 as a part of the Federal population, and which now gives to the l'reemen of the slave states, some twenty fivo representatives more than they would be entitled to if they did not hold slaves. Tho privilege of pursuing and reclaiming fugitive slaves, wühinour free statcs, and the permit of the slave irado for twenty years after the adoption of the Constitution. These were coucessions made in order to form a unión of the States, and they must be observed and kept. Thus iar ihe faith of our fathers waa plcdged, and that pledge must be religiously observed by us. But here we should stop. Our havingmade these concessions gives lo the slaveholding states no right to demand further sacrifices on our part. The time has urrived, when we should stand united in favor of tho rights of tho North and of free labor, and opposed to all future concessions in favor of slave labor, or the slaveholding interest. - Besides these concessions alluded to there have beea other advanatages incidentally arising in favor of the slave interest, and opposed to the free labor of the North. 1 refer to the fact that the great staple product of the States - cotton, has at all times been admitted to the British ports free of duty, while the great staple of the Northern and Northwestern has been excluded except in times of scar city or famine. Indeed, the cotton of the South demanda a premium by way of exchange, while Northern wheat remains upon the hands of our farmers without a rnarket, except when famine rages in Europe, or if sent to tho British West Indies, it is sent through the ports of Canada in British bottoms at the sacrifice of ourown people. - Such is tho effect of the commercial treaty of Great Brilain made in 1830, that every bushei of wheat sent frotó Ohio to the Brilish West Iutlies, pays a heavy tribute to th3subjecis of her Majesty. In this way it is believed according to the most correct data we have, that the farmers of Ohio paid to the subjects o' the British Government duriug the last year more than six hundred thousand dollars, while cotton, the product' of southern slave labor commanded in the British ports a premium of at least seven per cent. by way of exchange. This treaty was ontered into under the diruction of an Exocutive whose mtcrests and feelings appeartohave been favorable to the encouragement of slave labor, but who certainly appears to liave regarded free labor with entire indifference. But I know not whether it should be a. matter of more interest than mortification, that while our Executive and treaty makihg power have thus disregarded our interests of ihe Norlh, and have bestowed uponthe produce of slave labor their assiduous attentions - the Philanthropists of England have made a vigorous political movement in favor of the free labor of our Northern States. That class of citizens in England comprising its entire Quaker population, and many of the nobility and gentry with almost its entire manufacturitifi population are now putting forih their efforls for a repeal, or such modification of their Iaw3, as will enablo our farmers to send Iheir wheat to that country at a fair and handsome profit. The late elections for parlia-ment in that kingdom, lurned on that question in all the manufacturingdistricts. Gentlemen from ihat country with whom I have convcrsed, expres9 their confident belief of the final success of the measure at no distant day. The plan originated in England and is carried forwnrd at this time for the purpose of encouraging the free labor of this country and ihe manufacturing population of that kingdom. - And I suggest if the propriety of our putting forth a simultaneous effort in favor of so important an object ought not be urged upon our people. ï am confident that a vigorous and active co-operatioa on our patt, would secure to the wheat growing intereso of the North-west, advantages which havo never been enjoyed by the free laborera of this part of our country. I may be permitled to suggest the propriety of taking measures to send to Europe one or more agents to represent our in- terests and concert measures to promote the admission to their ports of the produce of our country. This should be at thenational expense, in the same uianner as agents have herctofore been sent to that country for the promotion of Southern interests. Another advantage haa been enjoyed by the slaveholding interest at the Öouth. By tbe law of Congress passed in 1808, the importation of slaves was prohibited from África. This law was doubtless intendcd as an e.xhibition of Legislative humanity. But its consequcncc was a protection of ihe slave property in the alaveholding States [as it is calieil] against all foreign compeution. By it tho value of slaves was probably inercased to two or thíee times the amount it would have austained without the uidofour national leislation. The internal alave trade among the states immediaiely arose, giving to the slave breeders a perfect monopoly, thereby adding tuillions yeariy to the wealth of tbe slave growing States. And yet their statesmen were threatning a disolution of iho Union at every efíbrt lo encourage the free labor of the Northby protective duties. Those threats have been made and reiterated while the cotton of the South was prolected by heavier duties than were asked for the protectton of Northern manufacluries.it ia a mutter now generally admitted, for ithas been solcmnly decided by the Su preme Court of ibe United S lates, that ihe Federal Government has no power wh'atever over slavery or the slave trado within the several States of this Union, either to abolish or perpetúate ihem. Yet the protection of slavery hasformed a prominent object in nearly every treaty made with the indian tribes bordering upon slave states, since the adoption of our Federal Constitution. These stipulations with the Indians to pursue and retake fugitive slaves and return them to their mas ters, were made in.considerationofmoney and other artieles received from our Government. In this way our Norihern laborers have been almost con6tasitly taxed for the direct support of elavery at the South; and this too in violation of our Constitution. The present war in Florida aróse from such attempts by our General Government to support slavery. It is supposed that at least forty millions of dollars have been drawn from the Treasury for the carrying on of this war. Thus while our Norihern laborers have been taxed to carry on this war for the perpelu alion of slavery, and that too in violalion of their constilutional righls, the rights of our people lo petition Congress to closethat war and withdiaw its support of slavery, is so self-evidcnt that 1 coa see no other way in which it can be more clearly demonstrtited than by a mere statement of facts, There is another point in which this unconstitutional inferference by the Federal Government in support of the slave trade threatens to bring us into conflict with one of the most powerful nations of the earth. Several vessels engaged iu the slave trade between the District of Co lumbia, and other ports in the Northern States, and those of Florida, Georgia, and Texas, have at different times been driven into port or wrecked upon the British Islandsof the West Indies. The slnvea iinding themselvesunoxpeclediy placed in a land of liberty, have sued out wrils of habeas corpus and have oblained a restoration of those rights bestowed on them by their Creator. This was no more than they would have been entitled to, had they entered the port of Boston, or any other port oí a freo State, in the same manner. The jutJgement of the Court it is believed was precisely the same that would have been rendered byeithcr Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States had theslaves been landed in a free Slate. And although our Supreme Court has solemnly decided, that slaves are persons mentioned as such by our Constitution, and are not recognized as property by either the Conslitution or laws of the United States, and thatlhey are not, nor can be by our constitution, thesubjectsof commerce, and thus the Federal Government has no right, power, or control ovor theinternal slave trade. Yet we have eeen the Federal Execuiive lending the influenceofour national Government to protect those dealers n human flesh in the pursuit of a calling execrated by every northem man. Our nalion has thus been placed betbre the civilized world in the attitude of protecting the slave trade and that too at the expense of violating our constitulion. - Our high officersof Government have thus involved the philanIhropist8 of tho North with slave breedera and alave traders of the South in the igno miny and disgrace thus brought upon our natton, whilo the citizens of the North have not been pcrniitted to present to Congre8s their humble petitions to be saved from such dishonor. Resolutionsl offered by a Senator distinguished for hia undeviating hostiiity to free labor, and his dovotion to the interest of slavery and the alave trade were passed by the Senate of the United States in 1840, by the vote I believe of every Senator of tho then Administration party, declaring in substance, Tbat the internal slave trade ought to bo protected by our national flag, and that Great Britam was bound to makc corapen sation for the slavea liberated on board 'the Enterprise,' one of the vesscls referred to. A report was made ia the House ef Representtttives in the samo year by the Chairman of tho Commhtee on Foreign Relations, [Mr. Pickens of South Carolina,] in which the refusal of Great Britain to pay the slave traders for the human beings released frora said vessels, was referred to as a cause of war betwecn this nation and Great Britain. Such war would cost the people of tho free States hundreds of millions of money, and thelives of ihousauds of their citizens. How much raoney our pcople of tho Norih would be willing to pay, er bow many would be willing to die in defence of those blave dealere, and of the slavo trade, are questions about which it would soem there could bo no great división of sontiraeut among us. But to be forced iato such a war, and taxed for its support, and liable to be culled into the field of battle for il3 maintenance, and yet denied the privilege of petilioning Congress to avow it as a position never contemplated by our Consiituiion, and an abuse which I am sure will never be submitted to by the free States. Such petitions for four years past have been exeluded from the House of Repreacntatjves, and an altempt was again made at the commencememt of the late session, to adopt rules for excluding them for two years more.By virtue of an act of Congress passed n 1801, siavery and the s!ave trade witha in the District of Columbia were constkuted, and at thia time exist. The repeal of this act would at once release every slave within said district and would strike from existence there a traffic in human flesh that has for many years openly diBgraced the people of this nation. - Yet petitions for the repeal of that law, or to expel from the District ihe siave trade, have for the last four ycars been contemptuously rejected by the House of Representatives and even a standing rule was adopted,and that too by the votes of northern members by which suchpeiitions were not permilted to be read or in any way considered. The Representatives of the free States have for years been compelled to witness the disgrace of the nation and of their con stituents by ihe sale of human beings at public auction, the marching of slaves in chained coffles throughout tho streets of Washington City, and other disgusting transactions, while they were not permitted to present the petitions of their constituenis ugainsl such disgraco, nor even to express their own personal disapprobalion of those practices. These abuses of northern rights, and violations of our Constitution,are attempted to be justified under the pretext that whatevor is said against siavery or the slave trade, tenda to excite the anger ofsouthern merubcrs and souih ern men. Thoy take for grantedthe doctrine that the people ara not capable of judging upon facts, aud they therefore hold that the truth is not to be trustcd with tbe great mass of citizens. They constantly reitérate the asscrtion, that thoag italion of the qucstion of the power or the want of powor vestcd in Congress over siavery in the District of Columbia or the slave trade among the States, will dissolve the Union. I have no such fears. Believing the people to constitute safe depo3itories of facts, and capable of judging upon all muiters tuuching their interests, I should feel myself unworthy of the trust reposed in me f 1 heshatcd in speaking freely upon matte rs eo vitally interesiing to us of the JNortJi as are the subjects to which I have alludcd. I have beforo said that tho question between free and slavu labor cntered inio almost every measure presented for the action of Congress. This question of dia tributing the proceeds of the public lands, was constantly examined by southern statesmen with a view to this point. It was argued by thein that it would tend to increasc the tariíTand thoreby encouraga the free labor of the North. By Borne ij