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Temperance Vs. Abolition: For The Signal Of Liberty

Temperance Vs. Abolition: For The Signal Of Liberty image
Parent Issue
Day
26
Month
January
Year
1842
Copyright
Public Domain
Letter to the Editor
OCR Text

Messrs. Editors: - Perceiving that the letter I sent you some weeks Bince, touching the 6ubject of Temperance anti Abolilion, has called forth eome remarks from you and also a letter from our late candidate for the office of Lieutenant Govern or, the latter of which entirelydisapproves of the sentiments therein expressed. i crave the privilege through tho medium of your paper, of staling my views more fully on that subject. If it be true that eur noble cause '"cannot move an inch uniese on a highway made by temperance," it is necessary that all should be cunvinced of it, so that both causes may be advocated as "one and inseparable." I profess to be actuated in what I say only by a sincere desire to see the glorious cause of libertï advanced, aud if upon a consideration of the matter i find that the remarks contained in that letter are just I shall not be amongthe last to pursue the course pointed out by the esteemed author. It seems to me that our friend Power takes a wrong view of the subject, when he says the cause of the slave ''cannot move an inch" unless temperance leads the way, and that "nodependence can be placed upon a man who is not an uncompromising Temperance man ín thefirst place, the cause of emancípation appears to be perfectly independent, and to rest on a basis so peculiarly and inseparably its own, that it needs no collateral "Issue" to support it - that it no more depends upon the cause of Temperance for its advancement, than it does upon the curing of the evjl of sabbath breaking, or profane swearing, and so far as political action is concerned, needs no more help from the cause than does the crealion of a subtreasury or Uuited States Bank by the aid of political parties. The right arm ofslavery,the author of thal letter well knows, is the church, but will he pretend to say that the church also is the right arm of Ín temperan ce? If he does not, then how can the causo of Liberty to the slave depend uenfíreZj"upon the cause of Temperance? The objects of the causo of Temporance exist as it wete entirely out of the church and that of emancipution in a great measure within it. In the next place, it appears to me to be saying a great deal too much, when il is asserted that a man's not being a temperance man, in the strictest sense of the word, renders him completely callous to all the calis of reason, humanity, and sympathy. Experience leaches us differenlly, and that all who are not strict temerance men are not drunkards. (Jonneet the two causes together, as friend Power advocates, (if I understand him rightly,) ano it will prejudice all who are not temperance men against us. It is easy to enlist their sympathies in favor of Liberty, but connect temperance v.ith it and they will not even enquire whether we are right or wrong, but will condemn us unheard. It will not do for us to set ourselves up for exclusivos and say we do noi want their votes because they are not temperance men - every vote counts and slavery is such a crying evil that every honest rneans should be resoried to to oblain them. If we ever succeed in our efibrts, it will not be by intolerance and persecution, but by liberality, charity, and good feeling towards all men. I look upon the third party as being iist as much a political party as the old parlies and oppose it f slavery,] at the ballot box solely upon political considerations affecting as it does, our fínances,our character and standing among the nations of the earth - it afiects our interests gener ally and particulariy, and expediency atone imperiously demands iis spcedy rernoval. I look upon it also as a great moral evil and os such, use the same arguments ugiunst it, that I would againstgambüng, chealing, stealing, or intemperance. Our liberfy papers at the East, though thoy advocate the principies of temperance [ (as all well di?posed papers do,) yetl see not any attempt made to render that and the causo of the slave a commnn cause, but on the contrary, they appear to be very careful to keep the one single consideration of frcedom before our eyes conlinually. Your remarks convince me that whateverl might have thought, you never thought of making the lwo cauces ono cormnon cause.N. B. I would not wish you to infer fiom what I eay, that I am opposed to temperance. 1 have long endeavored by every mcans ia my power to speed that glorious cause to a glorious issue. J. C .