Press enter after choosing selection

Extracts From The Speech Of Mr. Arnold, Of Tennessee, Jan. 2...

Extracts From The Speech Of Mr. Arnold, Of Tennessee, Jan. 2... image
Parent Issue
Day
9
Month
March
Year
1842
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

Mr.'Arnold, of Tennessee, said that we had truly "fallen on evil times." What a spectacle had ihat House prcsented for the last three or four days, he raight say the last fivovdays, and, indeed, siuce its first as8eaibling at tiio extra session. He might evon go back further (han that; for the laat seven years soenes of this kind had been occurring, and with increasing frequency, and growing worse and worse, till now a slranger could not contémplate that House from the gallery without being reminded of the bloody French Revolution. lt was impossible to restore or preserve order; Ihe Speaker had done every thing in bis power, but in va in. Wbat could the puny arm of any Speaker effect, whea gentlemen openly braved the authoriiy both of th Speaker and of the! House! Mr. A wenton to alindo tosomo particulars of disorder which had recently occurred, during which he . was severall times interrupted,and explanations paseed ; , but Mr. A. proclaimed himself as belonging.to the peace party, and desired to avoid coming into persoual colusión wiih gentlemen. If they wiöh to bul I y or to fight, he begged them not to come to him; there veere still a few of the Seminóles left; let thera go and show their valor upon them. He appealed to gentlemen in behalfof the order of the House, and in the name of that country for which his and their fathei-s had fought and bied. [A. laugh.] Could gentlemen laugh at thai? If they did, he asked if banditti could behave worse? He waa entirely serious, and nothing was further from his purpose than to provoke memmen t; jokes were now out of time as well as out of place. . He had hoped be should not offend the yoöng gentleman from Virginia if he said; that his efforts yesterday and the day before- his violent, furious and vindictive assaults on one so inuch his senior, and bisreadings by the hour from abohtion documentewere allso many potent instrument in the hands of abolilionists thanany thing else on the face of the globe - il would do more to advance their cause than any thiag that has ever yet been done in this country. The gentlemen had told them and told the country that they were baeked by the mighty power of England, and that of all the crowned heads of Europe; they were all in a general corabination to push on this cause; and superadded toall, that they had the a;d of a powerful English party in this country, at the head of which was the venerable gentleman irorn from Massachusetts. On this gentleman's power and abilities he had dwelt in the very highesl terms, and had sent forth ihisj from this Hall of Congress 10 the fourï winds of Heaven. VVus any hing, could any thing be better calculated tostirup' every abolitionist in the land to fresh activity, and to make hirn feel that now was' the accepted iitne? Had the gentleman from Massachusetts been an abolttiouist in the most exceptionable sense pí the tero, lie might have struggled for years, ay till the grave had covered him, and not done asmuch to aid the designs of those men as would be accomplished by these unfortunateadmis8ionsof the gentleman trom Virginia. He had told that them,therejwere mil lions of slaves ready at the first sound of the tocsin , at the first gleam of the torch of the incendiary, to leap forlh and strike for emancipation, and that there was a powerful arniy levied in the Wes'. Indies. and another in Canada, ready to aid them.' But as to what the gentleman had eaid about an English party in this coantry, it was a calumny on the people of this Union. Mr. A. denied it: there was no euch British party . iuid now addrosa a few words to I from Virginia (Mr. Wise.) We had now reaehed a crisis on this matter of ion whon one side or the other must give wny, or the Union be dissolved aod destructioo followed by all the horrors of civil war, What good result could arise from keeping open the qucstion on this When a petilion was sent to a er in that House, no matter how i might disapprove the object prayfor, with what reluctance was it that he sed to present the petilion, particular-1 ly if he was pretty hard run in his district and had been elected butby a smull ma-' jority. If he refused to present the peti-j tion, he might calcúlate on losing the sup port of those friends who had sent it, and thereby lose his election. A man must be' honest beyond common if in the circumstances he refused, and more especially if he had beea making a loud outcry for the right of petilion, is a great and fuudarnental doctrine of the Cunsütution. Didsouihern gentlemen consider how their friends! from the North were situated,and what a great sacrifico wus demandad at their hajjds Mr.A.would iake the broadground affirm ihat to maintain that the peoplu have no right to peiilion in all cases was tantamonnt to eaying that they were not capable of self government, than which no greater heresy couid be utterd againstthe fundamental principies of free Democratie Government. The people were the rightful sovereigns of the land; in their hands were the issues of politica) life and death. To refuee them the right of expressing their wishes to their own repreeentatives was rank aristocracy; it was the doctrine of the few governing ihe many; it involved the sentiment that the people did not know what petitions to send : and though petitions were sometimes frivolous üü a? othor tiinps vexaihu?, in so mnchthatMr. A. had sometimes been much parplexed in the application of his own principies, yet he ihought on the whole, that whatever peütion a representative received he ought to present. The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Underwood) had laid it down as a principie that in a case where Congress had no right to grant a petition, the petition ought not to be received. Now, the gentleman from Kentucky was a cool, delibérate, and 1 judiciou8inan,aud hisauthority had weight on the ono hand, but on the other, the gentleman from Massnchusetts, whom even his opponent from Virginia hud adaiittod to be one of the first men of the land, the greatest diplomatist, and the best judge of international law at present living, and whose original intellect, though he now approached four score, siill parkled in all its brilliancy, and ihrew iislighton every thing it touched, this gentleman rnaintuined ihat the right of petition stood on equul y round with freedom of speech and of the pres?. Who should decide wben dnctors disagreed? Mr. A. confefised that he was afraid to vote against the right of petition, beca use he did not know how suoo the South might come here as a petitioner herself. It was a constitulional right, and he thought thut petitions had better in all cases be received. He thanked the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Botis) for the judicious views ha had expressed ou thut subject. Whatafarce was tbis whole matter of the 2l8t rule! What a perfect fuilure! - The House had been more perplexed wiih it than it would have been without it, bccause, from the nature of the case, no rule could be adopted that would not have that effect. Gentlemen might as well attempl to dam up the waters of the Niágara as to stay the right of petition. It. was oue f the inherent rights of the free people of this country, and a right they never would surrender. If Ihe Iiouse refused to hear pome of their pelitions, and admitted others il was equivalent to telling the people that they were not able to judge what petitioi.s it was proper to send: and if one less thani a majority might rule in this matter, then many less than a mnjority might rule, and the number might be reduced till at Ia6t it was brought down to one,and vve liad an ad mitted dfispotism. And, after all, what ; had the South gaincd by this ru!e? lts only effect was to combine with abolilioní ists all the multitudes who contend fór the rightof petition. It guined ihem conj veris by the hundred, b% the thpusupd. h exasperated the minds of the peuple, dis! gusled them with their Govenuneiü, mide i theui care less and lees for the Union, nd prepared them for it? dissoluú -n. The ; í'ree States had now a majority of'forty-four i in that House. Under the nc.v cer:3Uá j they would have fifiy-three. The caue of the slaveholding States was getting weaker and weaker, and whaí were flicy to dol Gentlornt-n preuchcd to them that they must rely on the modern democracy of the North. God deliver them t'rom such an aliiance! A gentleman from New Haaipshire had called that State the Switzerland of America, and he spike truly, for her inhabitants were Suriss. f A laugh.] They ahvays fought for ihose who puid most. There was but one wny to keep their friendship, and that was to ba il them veil with offices. Those who depended on such allies, trusted on a broken stuff, they trod upon ground covered with deceitful ashes. As soon as the South should altempt to do jusdce between man and man, these mercenary Swis5 would instantlydesertthem; ay, and would be ready to turn round and aid the blacka in cutting their throatsMr. A. was ready to concede the righi of petition, but henever would yield the right lointerfere with slavery within theStates where it had been recognized by the Constitution. This had been done in three distinct articlesof tbat sacred covenant. The South stood upjn her ríghts, and insisted upon being left alone. It'ihey were ''joined to their ido!s,let thern alone." If they had a cáncer which was eating into their vitáis, they did not want the Northern probé rudely thrust iu to take what little life they had left. A!l sueh interference only riveted the chajns of the siuve. The North might enrich thfiir fields with blood and consume their dwellings with conflagraron, but forcible emancipa tion never would besubmitted too so lou'g as life and breath remained. And now he would add one word to his Southern friends. He would ask thetn what the Souih had to rely on ifthe Union were dissolved? Suppuee the dissolutin could be peaceably effected, (if that did not involve a contradiction of terms,) what had the South to depend upon? All the crowned heads were against her. A MIL LION OF SLAVES WERE READY TO RISE AND STRIKE FOR FREEDOM AT TBE FIRST TAP OF THE DRUM. They were cut loose from their friends of the North - (friends that ought to be, nnd without them the South had no friendu) - whither were they to look for proteclion? How were they to sustain an assault from Eogland and France, wiih that cáncer at her vitáis? The more THE SOUTH reflecled, the moreclearly she must see thnt she had A DEEP AND VITAL INTEREST IN MAINTAINING THE UNION. On Wednesday, 200 insolvents aresaid to have passed the Philadelphiu .insolvent court, and by their discharge, it is estimated that on an average, eacb cancelled debts to the amount of $1000, making an aggregato of $200,000.

Article

Subjects
Signal of Liberty
Old News