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Communications: For The Signal Of Liberty: Ascendency Of The...

Communications: For The Signal Of Liberty: Ascendency Of The... image
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By 'slave power,' I don't nean the slaveholders only; but ihose also ivhom they have influenced in times past - those whom they now inflnencó to do their bidding, wlierever they may be in the country. If the Declaration of Independ ence and the preamble to the Constitution be true exponents of American republicanism, slayery is its point blank antagonist. The republican believes that all men are created equal, so fár as their relations to government are concerned - that they are endowcd by their Creat or with the right to liberty and the pursuit of happinesp - that this right is inalienable even by the possessor, and is forfeitable only by crime - that our "more perfect union" is valuable only as it cslablishes justice, by pun ishïng crime - only as it secures the blessings of liherly to all, by honest and successful endeavortí to extinguish, in the most comprehensiee sense, the evils of elavéry. The siavehölder has no faith in any of these things. - lf he hap, it is a dend faith; for his daily practice is a standing denial of cvery one of thèm. The repnblican who has faith in his political creed - who lives by its art des, and the slaveholder who tramples on them joint]y and soverally, must from the nature of the case, be political adversarios. The republican strives lo nave the government administcrcd wholly according to his principies of liberty and poiitical eqnality; the sldvöhólder sefs all bis intéreats - t.hereby pledging all his efforts - in opposition. Nchemiah lahors to build up the walls of Jerusalam - Sanballat to destroy them. Our iépubhcan of course must not be a sham, out a real republican - one that, ex tthimo believes in republicanism. The slaveholder may be "all righf." under governments whose basis varíes from rep'ibhcanism. He may be a good-enough oligarch, or small TiespoT, under politiöal forins vvhich procréate and Qpurish" such vermin: but in a republic! he has no part or lot in the the thing; in a real republic and arnong believing republicans he woukl be as much out of place as would be the veriest chicken-stealer on the judges's bcnch, or as a certain nameless personage wou ld bc in Heaven, in the company of Gabriel and Michael and their angelic associates.Iftbis discrimination seem "ultra," it is becausc e fcaveno faiih,or aweak faith, or not a "lively" faith in the excellence of rcpublicanism. But it will be considered as true - philosophioal - important - just in proportion as the reader believe3 ip truth, consistency and importance of Human Rijrhts as l he proper basis of government; and that all governments ought to bo ins'itutetl in such way as best to secure the happiness of the people.We have attempted to combine in our socio-political amalgam elements that are hostile - incapnble of being united, we have bro't them together - in juxta position - but they refuso to coale?ce. They repel one another violently. They will not ceasé to do ko tili one of them expel the other and be wholly predominad. Slavery, Iike the young of a certain bird, that is said to make no nest for itself; but to depoöit lts eggs 'm the nests of other birds, nevèr reets til] alí tíie natural progcny bethrowri out of the nest. Slavery might with all case have been exterminated long ago by republicans; it may still be; bul compored with slaveholders, republicans are indolent, supine, asleep. Besides, the great mass of republicans - I niean the "munq-rel puppy, whelp and hound' - republicans of the country - are to' the free States what the orators of Athens were to that city - their native city toó- whon Philip of Macedón set his snares for tlie overthrow of iia indépendencc. Philip gave gold, and the orators soon converted that wily politician - m despite of all that Demosthenes coiild say to the contrary - into an exempfar of generosity, magnanimity, hospitality ond kind heartednèss. Our orators - all of them, of course, of thé best republican breed óf oratori - don't get money for iheir treachery, but promises of office; ond plenty of kicks and cuffs and ear-pullings if they demur at the dirciest work our retro te whipping Philips charge them with.The slavoholfler is like ótbér bad men who have seized on what a corrupt public sentiment .ays thcy may retain, but what jnsticc commnnds thein to restore to its Iaïvfnl owncrs. He acts more vig-orously for ts defencé and security, than just men do for tiie dcfcnce and securily of what they honestty possess. - The slavehokïer feels, what is frue, that all just men must be opposed to liim, and that the juste st men must be the most opposed to him. The justest men, then, are defamed - slnn(Jored- if fcaught" within the limits of the flesh-mongiñg oligarchy they are lynched and uut to death. So would they serve Franklin, were he to re-appear in the Southern Aceldama. He would be a 'fanatic,' too,as things go now-a-days. Lamentable change in public sentiment does this disclose! In I can America, betore the first century of her cxisteuce is much more than half gone, thefriend of human liberty is a fanatici What would Franklin and Rush and Sherman nnd Wytbe sny to this? Would they be ablc to recognizc tlieir country in such a beggarly metamorphosis? The repnblican is too apt to repose on the justice ofhiscourse; to tliink that his cause can take cnre of itself- can odvance of ilself. To think so, is to fall into a fatal delusion. - It is against the wholè ordering and experience of human nöairs. The good who are doing little or nothing - must bestir tliemselves, or the bad, who do excrt thernselves, will become possessed of every thiug. There is - thero ahvays has been - ahvays must be - warfare between men ofjust and menofunjust principies and practice. Victory is only for the aggressive. Try it; pkce two men, one religious, he other irroligious, together in a wilderness. If .he reügious man make up his triind to suppresc his principies - to be silent - passive - he is already overeóme; the very delerniinntion not to be aggressive is virtnally capitulation without terms . Thus has it fared wítíi rcpuhliCanistn and slavery. Republicanism has been silent - apat.hetic - secure; she has resolved not to act on her enemy; the consequenco bas been that her enemy has ncted on her; has druerged her - put her to sleep and bound her with chnins; that seem - ifthey are not - infrangibie. Behold, then, in tlie distress of the country - in the distraction of its counsels - in the repndiation of solemn contracta by the States - in the loss of moráis at home - of character nbroad; and in the still darker growing prospect before up, the legitímate fruits of a want of faith on the part of republicans in their professed creed. Reader, if there is any thing of truth and philosophy in the leading sentiment running through the foregoing remarks, it is for you. Think of it - digest it: and next week you shall have something more specifie on the


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