Our State Convention

This was the most enouraging Liberty meeting we have attendcd in ihc S'.ate. The Court Mouse was filled in the aftcrnoon', and crowdeii n the evening with a highly intelligent audienee, amona whom werc a considerable number of ladies, and niany prominent Whigand Democratie gentlemen. Thers was a continued sucecssion of interesting speeches and speakors, each Inving e.xcellencies peculiai to himself, which kept up the interest unabated till after 1 1 o'clock at night. Tlie remr.rk8 of Messrs. Stuart. Birney, Cicveand, and Wilson were, as thfy ehould bc, kind, iberal. and conciliaiing, but perfectly open, fearess, and uncompronii&ing. The features of the vo great parties were brought to view in a liglit ïat will long be re:nembered by many. We annot even givc an anulysis of what was said;ut a few simple thoughís, as such, may not be vithout interest. Mr. Smart spoke of the grcatncss of tlie qucstion of human lilierty- a qucstion which engaged the attention of mankind since goverinnents were first insiitutcd and which would still be discussed by coming gencrato3 ti 11 the nghts of men, after grievous strugglc3 ihrough euccessive ages, bhall be estabüsued on the íixed and immutable basisofequal righ-s. The struggles which were now takinc place Ibrough the cartli showed thut the principies of liberty were steadily ndvancing. Could thc grave be pennilted to give up its dead, and the spirits of thote patriot vho stninpedtheniselves witti immoriality by orginating úu charter of our national liberties, le dl.iwed once moro to mingle in the afibira of ntuions, they would find, in the oíd world. graüfyins indicaliona of the onwnrd march of iieebm. ín tlie frozen regions of Ilusaia, n3 well aa in the delightful clinsiite of Crecer, in Mihunimcdan as well as Christian statcs, they wouW find tiio luborer emancipatcd, or iiis condiiicn irnprovod. - And should they turn their eyes to the nou yvorld, they would find that Mexico, Colombia. Chili, and other states had given evident' ö lliM liberty wis pwgresaiög by that surest of al) de monstrations - the cmtnii ipition of 't'ie cnslaccd. Eut wlrile niillions of human cha:to!s had been freed during the ast fiftjí years, would they find a corresponding progresa in ilic land (or whicli they perüed all they had to pcrÜÍ WoulJ tljC signs of ndvancing libertj' bc found in more than three times tlic nuinber of slave?, scattercd over two thinla of their nmivo land - the proinulgators of Üicir. doctrines mobbed, tarred. feathered, or külec', for simply assening them - their property destroyed, their hnlls burned, tlieir lives threatened, and they themselves bccome n hissing and a byeword to the aristocracy of their land? They would find othcr indications not Icss deoisive. Á country in the midst of tho utmost plenty, and proound peace, suflering the severes'. disiress- witli the products of free labor absolutsly rotting for want ot puich:sers, while tho stnple of si ave labor can havo access to all markets on the globe - and tvo national parties. em-ÜIoting each otlier in their opposiiion to tho extensión of universal liberty. by oppdsmg all measijios for i!s general diffusion, and by offerinir p'remiumsfor enslavingmen, and Kearing human caftle for their shamhles! As a single instance of the extent to which the slave power governs us, Ilr. S. ad-iu-ed the case of Mr. Ilarper, the extensivo book pubïisher ol New York. A very large portion of our reading - perlnps nine-temhs - is derivcd from the re-publica(ion of Efeglish nuthors, whose works are sold at vory low nrices, nnd thus have nn imtnense circulation. This Harper Uerps n man consianily in hisemploy, whose bu-incss it is to examine every Engüsh work before it is reprinted, and carefully purgfe it oft-ve:y stmiuiciit thal might Le favorr.blo to univeiéal l:oerty. We have the evidence ofthÍ3 over the signaturo ot Mr. flarper. in a leíicr to ceriain persons in the South lo whom his books wc;c consigned, wiio sent hini a rcpriniand for a'.lowirg certain pnssnges to bo retayied in his pubh'cu;ions. end l:c could only make lus peace by a very hurribloapology, nnd streng assurances that le would be more vigilant in future in preventing such an unpleasant occurrence. Suob an ever waieliful supervisión does slavery exercise over the doings of northern frecnunf Wc kuow ihere is a strong eclton interest - every one concedas ir. The Soulh are unanirnous in ite support. Il is natural that they should be- it is right they eliould, while they do notrenca upon our rights. Uut when tlus ggres sion beccmcs highly injurious to us, itshouidb mct by corresjionding unión on our part. JIo comes it tliat nothing is done fu r tlie tvheat in .terest ofthc northwest? ís it bccause üat i small. orunimportant? Mr. S. insistüd that the antagonist intereso o free labor and s'avo labor could not co-exist to gether, so as to be boih promoicd by the same lo gislaticn. One must be the conquerer, ar.d th other the conquered. He rejoiccJ that tlic ok landmarks wér.e fast disnppcaring - thaijtbis grea battie was te be fought unc'er the trie colong o the parties - and the rcsult wouid show tbat th principies of the revolution are not dead - but vi be mauifested by an ene.gy and perseverance o action. not inferior to that exhibited by our rever ed fathers of secattj-six. Mr. Cleveland spoke of the prejndice agoiru thc colored man on account of liis degradatioi andofhis dellcicncy in cultivación; and yet wus a notui'iúus fact, that every eFort for Lis in tellectual improveaient had been bitterly oppúsec by this very clas3 whose prejudices viéte tli most violent and unieasonable. Tor lus ov pnrt, if he liad no oiher inducement to ac tion than the hope of improving the intcüeciun condition of the colored race, this motive vouk s-till be suííieient to incita him lo exertion; fo without intcüectual cultivation, man's higliest - greaiest gooJ cmnot be attained. All wiio wer acqtininted wiih his preachmg well knew. that h was far froni confip.ing the grounda of truc pioi to the nartow bní-is of excited feeling. but on th conirary, he co.i:cndcd that it should have it foundations a9 broad, as deep, and as permanen as the intellectunl nature of man. Mr. C. snid it was sought lo impress commu nity with the belief that the fears of tlio Luiert} party for our count y wcre fanciful. In reply t this, he won ld ask every VVhig tinJ Dcmocra whether the least vestige of the right of petition now remair.ed to t!'e pcoplc on auy svbjee whalevcr? No man or set of men could get thei petitions reccived in Congress without the con sent of the shve power. Men must be 6ent t0 Washington who could there defend the rights o the pcoplc, or the seai of goveniment should bt removed from the coutagious influence of the alniosphere of slavery. In referente to the objection that the Liberty party is foundcd on a single principie, he askci every Whig and Democrat to name to him one important act of Congress that had been pnssed during the last tifieen rears, wliich was nol thc simple dic.tum of slavery? li'tbis be so, of whatuso is il to contend about banks, ?nd rubtrensuries, whilo there wris a power constarnly at work which could reverse at its pleasure, the most important and saiutary mensures of reform?Yct polm'cmns were just as earneat ;i;id rs ïmicli engagecl in advancing thcir favorite scheii ■ .■ :;. ihough this were not the facf. Grcat nunibcrs were favorably disposed to the Liberty party, but they lacked J'aith - its advocates were few. while its opposers were many. He did not sympathisc in this distrustful feeüng. He had eonlkience in human nature, and in the adapiation of the tru'Ji to eilbet its moral and intellectual renovation. Thnt renovntion had begun, and wa3 now advancing, and would progrtss until it reaclied to every departmont oí human action. Bcsids, this distrust wae not charucterisüc of the otlicr parties. Tkeir iai th was suilicieut to ssvaüow alinost any thing. Did ever a par!y come r.earer to being made uto a niliility thati the democráts did in 1810? Yet their faith faited not! But abolitionists are expectcd to iorsake pü support of the grandc)led of faumnu libeïty, becauss at a single elcciioü in Vertoont a few hundred h's votes : were tiven tiiis yenr thai last! Neithcr were i ihe wliijs lacking in fcrtb. fiouvitlölaiiding the I revürtaj ei 'thcir favorhe pyramid, an;l üic loss of ! a d'izcii stnies in nhnost coniinued succèssiön, tbeir conridence of success was unabated. He ave nn aiïvüsihg insumee of this in a prominent gentleman ot' Calhuun coumy, who gravely assured him that he liad no kind f doubt tliut llenry C'lay would be elecled in 1S44 by a larer majority tlian was givcn tu (Jon. Hirrison n 1840. He considorod i!:is auch a reniarknMe exhibition of politiüal faith iha lic prcvoüed on the gentleman to pul it in writing and Mr. C. would carefuüy preserve it lili ihe period oí its accorupïtshmoni. Mr. Cleveland said that when wc carrtrd the anii-alavery reform to the churches, it was repulsed as a political subject, and now that we acled on it politicaüy, it was objectcd that it was a moral question. and belonged to the churches. - So that we could not suit them any way it could be fii'cd: if we piped onj way, they danced the other, and when wc danced to suit their piping, ihey pipcd the other. .For his part, Mr. C. said lic went for the great principies of the Liberty party, as a man, a citizen, and a minister. It had indeed been whispered 1.1 his ear that ministers ought not to be fund in political meetings. Now Mr. C. utterly deniti that the ballot hox bclongcd to tto o'evil - he is anti-republican and the prince of aristocrats, and had no risln to spread out his cloven feet around it, and thus form an area where every voter would be subject to his dictation, and witlijn which truth and righteousness should not enter. ■ He contended that every voter was bound to give his suffrage for just men. in the fear of God; and every Chrietian, according to the principies of his religion ought to be as conscientious in serving God at the ballot box as at the communion table. Ir will be found that none ic'dl object to conscientious voting bi;t Üosc toko ar nfraid thcy sháll lose by it. The ministry of the Gospel was ordained for someïhing more than the decisión of thepóintsóf terminology in theologica.' controversies. It wa3 rnadfi to be the grea educating and moulding power of the comnuini'.y. It 3 the duty of ministers to proach to the people what are, properly speaking, politics - to teach them how tho great pïirtóipjes of Christianity require them to exerciso tlij political poWér with which they are nveste '; and had the minisrry hiiherto done tlieir duty, we shoukl nut have been assetnbled here profcssedly as the advocates of the rights of the slave. Mr. Ck veland's rèniarlM wsre made in !;is own pecuüar atyle, and were listened to with profotind nttention, and reeeived wi:h applause, and the noble s'.and ho báa taken, on thia, and on fonner üccnüioiis, i:i beliulfofthe principies pf Lib.-ty, must be .'pproved by all vhó are willing to act for "'oür cpuntryrnen in chr.ins.' Mr, Birney w'ént through with a 'engthy argument, showing the action ot slétyery on the Federal Government to the present time. We COtild not do it justice widiout giving it verbatim. and símil tíierefore only note a few thoaghts on other topics. Mr. B. spoke of the Missouri Compromise in strong tenue. Had not that taken place there wouM have been, tcchnically spenking, no abolitior.'srs now. líe showed how pubüc attention was cnlled up to that subject, and the issue decidedby tliaj c;.ntes! was no IdS3 than this - whether the principies of liberty or slavery should prevail in the nditrinisiralinn of the government. In a contrst of this kind, it mattered not what was the particular question at issue. A moral battle of this nature, might be fought aa it were, on the point of a nceále. Mr. B. said he would not be unchantable or extravagant, yct he could not help thinking, that Mr. Clay, by that compromiso, had done more injury to our nation than bil other pulilic men since. He would not say that he had intaidtd to do this injury, but auch ha.J been the resuh. Had the question been dirFerenïly decided, public opinión would have sus tained the decisión, and a precedent %vould hav been csiablislied on the sida of liberty, to whici the nctionof the general government, in the thou sand enses whrch are perpetuaüy occurring. wouk have beun conformed. In rei'erfiice to iho feelings oftlavcholdersres pecting slavery, Mr. B. comparcd them todrunk ards. Who knows bctter than the inebrióte th miseries and horrors consequent 011 his vice? -Wilh what eloquence will hc hoklsíonh repecting tho results of drunkenncss, wht'.e grasping th cup with liis trc:ubling hand. ile wiüassent to all you say of the evils of ihis vice. But whei you exhort Am, even w:!i ilic greatest kindness to tense making a beast of hhnself, to forsake hls vice, to put away kis iniquity, he will becorne angry. So t is witb s.'avery. Thero are evils and miseries attedam onit, which oiily slavohold ers enn fully understand - ;acy feel and acknowl edge thein and wjlj even describe theni inore eloquentlj than you, and vll join with you in condemning the systan. But when you press ihcm pc,oudlij to iiuniediate aeiiorj, anJ demónstrale you are in enrnest, they will be iffj:ided. Mr. B. aiid this was clled the freest nation on the face of the eartli. Yet its citizens were in (langer of deaih for barely asser'.ing the tundair.ental principies of frecdoin. Suppose the respected president ol this Conveniion (llev. J. P. Cleveland) should rnakè his appearanco in Soiuh Carolina, or New Orlcans, he would be lynched and perhaps put to death, bnd a vory large portion )f tlie peoplo. r,t t!.e North is wcll as the Spulh, would exclairn when tiiey hemd of it - "Good cno.gh for him - Gotjhst. xekuthe desnivel!" Aboüiionists were sortreimies ;.ske;l why they "ound sj much fault with the vhigs, and wete 6o ;ilent rèspefitnig ihe demoerais. .Mr. Birncy anjv.cred this by soying that ihe domocratic party veré a gor.e ra;r-lhcir reformatir. wasuiteily lopcléfis. TJ-.ü appellation of Pnu-slavory was napj)!icablö to the;n. They were truly tho ilzveij party. The ti';v was íiastening o"ii wilh rap. dity w'Ken thore wouli be Init uvo pnrties in tho intion - a slavery rind a Lioúi'y party: aiv! the inications rendcre'! it certain tint the Democratie arty would bc, ns indeed itnlready was, ihe forïer. In confirmaticn of tln's he eited the iollowng dcclnraiion of Mr. Calboun, who bids fair to e their prSeüdenttn] candida te: "We rogard it [sluvery] as the most safe anl l.ahla hasis rui: na-.;; ins'Itimio.vs in tbc world." -Speech in Vt: U. & gsnate, Jan. 10, 1Ö40. There, eaid Mr. Birncy, is the posttion ofyour andidatc - the advocate of the Iargest libertyüThero waa tlus difFcreiice betweed the wliiy; c nul democratie panien, the latter had made a íuh f surrender of their power to ihe slavcholders, to j te and do any thing they pleased. while the whigs ( had as yet made ihis surrender ouly in part. bui wëre proparcd to rendcr it n:orc lull and ca'.ire, . aa fddt as oinergoiicics might require. Mr. Birney spoko oflhcLug Cabin and Hard Cider operations ol'iho Whigs in 1840 with the ïjvïit i i I..J i ui;i ;ii l Jurist. It see'.ned as though thoy had swept awny all sober rcfl.-ction, and almost all coininon ser.se, and when hc thought of it, it made hirn ashamed of his country. The cutirse of our Nortliern politicians enerally forcibly reminded him of Sanison grindng in the mili of the Philistines, wi'.h this essential difierence, thai the Israelitish giaru was compelled to exert his mighty energie? against his will; whüe the sabjection and degradation of our most gifted Northern Siatesmen wcre entirely voluntcry.