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Communications: For The Signal Of Liberty: Mr. Clay's Speech

Communications: For The Signal Of Liberty: Mr. Clay's Speech image
Parent Issue
Day
28
Month
November
Year
1842
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

In the Signal of the 7th instant, is the speech of H. Clay about which much has been said, both n praise nnd censure; and vrhile I perceive you have bestowed on it some, I think, deserved strictures - you havo by no means, dono tbat production justicc, according to my view of the matter. H.iJ tliat speech been delivered by some ono of unestablislied famc, I have no doubt it would have fallen from the lips of the speaker, a perfect, conceded abortion - for such, indeed, I consider it. But coming from the great Harry of the West, it must ncccssarily produce i ts hozannas, its puifs, itsndmirers. But let us examine the speech. I say nothing for the present, ab out hispitifnl attempt to divert his audience from the subject beforc them by his tirade about presenting kim a pctition, nor his mean hypocriey about cquality; nor his ridiculous stuff about his visit to his friends. btj invitation, as a private citizen, at Indianapoüs, &c. &c. - (Wonder ifhe did not looso his way, when he got all over Ohio just before elcction time?) But to the speech. He says: ;I know well that you. and those who think with you, controvert the legitiniacy of slavcry, and deny the risht ol property in slavcs. But the law ofmy State and other States has otherwise ordairied. The law may bc wrong, in your opinión, and ought to be repealed; but, then, you and your associates are not the law makers for us, and unlcss you can show some authority to nulli(y our laws, we must continue to respect them. - Uniil the law is repealed, we must bo excused for assérting the rights- ay, the property in si ïves - which it sanct:ons, authorizes. and vindicates." Now I ask is not this entire sentence a piuful, and even a puerile attempt to direct the minds of lis audience from the force of the petition? Does ie attempt to prove, in answer to wfaal ho supposes, their doctrine, viz. the injustico and wrong of slavery, that it is right or jsstifiable? By no means. But bccause his State has wicked unrighteous laws, he justifies himself in supporting them instead of the liberties of his fellow men; and hypocritically attempts to fix upon the pe'ition3rs a desire or attempt to interfere with Kenucky legislation; and winds up the sentence by oundly asserting that until the 6lave laws are repealed, thny have a right to hold property in man - immortal man. But alter all, what has this, suppose it a legal right, (which is by no means admitted) to do with the petition? The petitioners did not claim of Mr. Clay, that by the laws of Kcntucky he ought to emancípate his slaves. 3ut (maugre all his whining and cant) as he was ravelling'through the country, electioneenng for he next Prcsidency. they wished to test his magnanimity- his love of liberty - his regard for he great doctrines of the Declaration of Independence and the prcamble to theconstitution. And y this time 1 tliink you must have seen his miserable evasion of this request.But to his complaint in the ncxt sentence against the character of tlie petitioners. They are many of them, forsooth 'freo blncks, men, women, and childrcn and dcmocrat3.' Well Mr. Clay, f free blacks, men, women and chiidren, never injure you more. than by asking of you to et their countrymen in bonds, go free- if demorats nre never more inconsistent thr.n to ask you ü become a consistent republican. especially, vhen you stand forth before tliis Republic in the ttitude of candidato for the suff.agcs of the peo)le, as you now do, you will not find it easy to onvince the reflecting that you have sufferod vrong at their hnnds. But let us examine aomc oi Mr. Clay's logic in the next sentence: And what is iho foundation of tliis appcal to me in Indiana, to libérate the slaves under my care inKentucky? It is a general declaration, in the act announcing to the world the Independence o( the thirtceu Airerican colonics. that all men are créated equal. Now, as an abstract principie, theru is no doubt of the truth of that declaration; and it is desirable, in the original constniction oí soriely. and in organized socicttes, to kcop it in view as a great fundamental principie. But. tlien, I apprehend that in no society that ever did exist. or ever shall be formcd. was or can the cquaüty asserted among the members of the human raco, be practically enforced and carried out. 7'here are portions of it, Iarge portions, women, minors, insane, culprits, transieut sojourncrí;, that will always probably remain subject to tfac government of another portion of the community. The assertion that in this country re mcn and vtinors do not enjoy that equnlity which is asserted as an axiom in the Declaration of Independence appears t& me a most extrnordinary assumption; ond I can only account for it in the fact that Mr. Clay's principie and feclings with respect to them, are shaped nnd colored by his habits and education where "a certain portion of community." 'have been accustomed to trample not only upon the rights of the black man, but also upon the ge nllcr eex, and the lender ycars of his own race. In my simplicity I had supposcd that all the seeming incapacities of this portion of our connnunity were establishcd for their express protection and not to take away any right. But werc t othcrwise, does the fact that any other poriion of our race suffer wrong, jusiify a wrong to the negro? 1 will not insult thecommon sense of your readers by commenting upon the mean outrage Mr. Clay has committed upon the fcvi l s of our Innd by classing them with insane persons and culprits &r. - but only remark that this, too, shows tliat dnspotitm, not republican liberty, has formed the education of the man, who could tlius include, in the samelcategory , "women, minors, insane, culprits." In the next sentence Mr. Ciay inquires, "Do you believe that in making that declaration (the Declaration of Independence,) the Stalcs that concurred in it, intended that it should be lorturcd into a virtual emancipation of all the slaves within their respective States'" Yes, Mr. Clay, most certainly - and f you willrcad the language of Washington, Jeflerson, Madison, Patrick Ilcir ry, Willintn Pinknoy and a list of others- and evcn your oirn language in former years - you will nlso 6co thul was tho delibéralo expeetatiun,at the time of the promuJgntion of that gloriout Declara tion and even at the ndoption of the present constitution, that without any torturing, the doctrine thcrein contuined would bo carried out, and all - yes, all become freemen. i 13ut although this soi dissant speech might furnish matter for nuich more icmark, I havo only time and room to notice one othur feature it contains, and that is, bis cant about taking the petition into rtspertful consideration, and his request to know if ihe petitioners were prepared to raise ló,000 (in case he should emancípate them)'to set tliem up in business!! Until now I had never eupposed Mr. Clay a sordii brute, whatever elsc he might have been. But how does he stand in this matter, before the American public? Ho says he has fifty slaves - that they are worth $15,000- that if the petitioners will raise that eum he will ('tmancipatc Ütcm' l) Ó! no, no suchthing - true Mntty Van Buren noncommittalism - no promises - but only hc will consider the matter, j Then the matter stands thus - ho has had the toil, blood and sweat of theso fifty slaves all their lives and meanly asks others to pay their wages -and even at that will not promise to Iet tlicm gol! Can mcanness - can sordid avarice - can

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Subjects
Signal of Liberty
Old News