To the Editor of the Richmond ( Virginia) Whig : Sm - In the Signal ot Liberty of Fch. 6t!i, is the folio ving trom your paper of Dcc. 7, 'lIn every sentiment of uetestation expressed by Ihe Virginia of tlio mad and niiscli ovoiid FanÃ¡tica, we entirely concur. TJierÃ© no ttcp, hovvever extreme and violent, wluch coiild be laken io arrest these distuibers of the public peuce, vvhich wc would not readily adopt." ''.The niad and mit-cliievons FanaticÃ©,1' Sir, are aincng the must pions and devoted Chris - tians, the most learned and lalcntcd scholar?, the most candid, enlightened and p&lriotic citizens of the U. Slales - men wiiose principies are deliberately and understandingly fixed; and wliatevcr ungcnerous and urgentlemanly cpithets the South may heapupon thcm, v.ill not swerve them from iheir philanlhropic purposes. Those "violent and extreme measures' you endorse must mclude the "ubduction of the npgro stealers,' recommendeÃ¼ in the Lynchburg Virginian, for the purposc of trying them befoie yÃ¶ur tribunals. Si:c!i thrcats wil! not in the least frightcn Abolilionisls. But it would undoubtcdiy hasten a "i-ritfi," which you scein to think desiiable. But it might not bc s%h an one as you desire. It would bc such a criÃ¡is as would rapidly hasten the last expiiing struggle of Slavcry in the United States. 1% sir, the lynching of American Citizens who have voluntarily gone amoug you f. om the Norlli, bccause they wÃ©re suspected of Abolitionism, has had a very great tendency to mercase what you are pleased to trim ' mad fantio;'' wiiat wouid be tiie eflctt of violently abducting Noithcm citizens, Io bc Uicd and nnnislicdin anoihcr tÃtulo, lor Ice ding the hiingry, clolhing theuaked, mul directitig tlic Ã¨iJiJiror :n bis way, in hisown Stalc? liad Jiot ihe South botter count the coi and conuler tlje conscijui'Ã¼ccs of snel) operations? VÃ¼u admit you "cannot re' y on all Southenuncn;'" nnd say, "The fncf is, ivo liavo Ã¡ ,great party in our rnidst, wlio aro conslanily prearhing nfiiversal eqÃºality - Ã lic very essence of Abolitjonistn - and f ilio r prÃ©oching lias effect, it must iveaken llie cause of dornestic slavery, and in the end, totally subvert :r.fl Witli "a grent party in yonr midsV'ond tlic North, righl, and justir?, and GOD a ga kist 'â yon, luid you not betlci ale ti different conree, nnd devise totully different plans, Ã¯cfch as will produce peace, safefy and pro.sj.crity nmong yourselvcs. Such ns the West, India Llanda j:ov enjoy; and sucl plans as wiil restore vnion bÃ©tween the Norlh ond the Soutb, wliich now f.xists but Luie ;tiore than in name. and wliich the Norlh aro beginning to feel is a curso to them, if thcy must continue lo support slavÃ¨ry as thÃ¨y liave done. Indeed Sir, what is a Union with the South worth to the Noith, ubile her citizens cannot go there on any busines? wh.tevrrj without bcing "lynched," or arrestpd under the. mock form of. law, and tried, hung, imprison?d, k.c. unlcss they will tameÃy srremler the liberty of conscience and of speech, and hypocritically pretend to be in favor of Slavery? You propo&o !â¡ or.eof your numbers "ending a solana rmbassy of ten or twenty of theiuost dis'ipguishcd citizens of Virginia to the Leg i si au; re of all the non-slaveholdlng States." V:i;it vvoald be the fate of ihia "f-oletnn embasey of distinguished cilizens." if lynch law was praciised as njuch at (tho Korlh as at the South? We could have fine game and sport without the trouble of abdvctiÃ³n. But the North iÃ¡ not so degraded and barbarous as to practice Lynch law er punfsh tnen notguilty of crime. Southern people, without regard tn colour, will be pcrfectly safe here. In your remarks of Dcc. 7th, you go on tÃ¶ say thut "the conirron mind cannot draw those nice distinciionp, wblch asset that it is the first law of God and Democracy, ihat all men are cqual, and at the same time that it tÃ³ richt Lc proper that Africans shall bo deprived of their equality and held in bondage." Very tniOj Sir, emphatically tntr. The "comnion rnind.'" or the highcsl, or the lowest mind cannot mal;e those distinctions. And it Ã±oyÃ©r did without Ã¯he aid of custom, prejudice or self interest. If you, sir, were to be tried for life, or liberty, would you not want an unprrjodicÃ©d and disinteresled jury? Every slavcholdcr knows, (iltlotig!i }ie may affect to think difierent!}1,) that the Afiican has as much moral rjght lo enslavo Jiis master, mark him with the knife or brand and put htm under the lasli and make him in turn support him in idler.-css and luxury, as he has' to Ã«nsfaVe the Afriran The Same righ?,if lliey had the pover, toorualgamate with tlnir ters wivcs and dauglilers, and scll tiieir own children into intorminable brindagc. Again you say, "Thif notion if universal equality is a French notion - a discovery of French Philosophers who planted the seeda cf the French Revolution. It liar; no Ang'o Su.vonism in it." I alinde to thLs ineifubly wenk ; reasoning, or-rather talk, not to answer it, for it needa none. But to ask how long slaveiy cm exii-t with such argumenta lor its mpport? Tliere is too inuch Ã¼g'it and i'Vtolligejice i:i the Northern States lor such sophi-tical reasoning to havo any iufluence in favor of slavery. Factsare bcgir.ning to be looked opon and treated as such, and are exerÃ¼ng ipfluence accordingly. Wil'n tlie amount of Ã¼ght, rea son, justicc and religiÃ³n, thcre is abrcad in the carth; involuntary scvtudr,even initsmÃ¼dcst i form?, cannot much limger exist in nny civil izeu or diristianized Nation, or cemmuntfy. If these fire fticis, and tlie signs of the times and the actirn of the civilizcd worla secin plainly to indÃcate ihat they ore, is tliere not dangcr ihat if 1I19 slaveholding States persist in their present course,lhal a worso crisis may Ã¨ventual'y cc:ne, than theyfear iVom imiuedintr nmrinpm.'it inn?