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Sandinista Revolution Still Alive!

Sandinista Revolution Still Alive! image
Parent Issue
Month
April
Year
1990
Copyright
Creative Commons (Attribution, Non-Commercial, Share-alike)
Rights Held By
Agenda Publications
OCR Text

Sandinista Revolution Still Alive!

by David Austin

The election of U.S.-backed Violeta Chamorro as president of Nicaragua was a setback for the revolutionary process in that country. However, those people here who have opposed U.S. intervention and have supported the right of the Nicaraguan people to self-determination must realize that the Nicaraguan revolution is not dead, and the social and political project begun by the Sandinista Front is not over.

Nor is U.S. intervention at an end. The goal of U.S. policy, enforced through the contra war and the economic embargo, was not to bring "democracy" to Nicaragua, but to destroy the Sandinista movement. The electoral defeat of Daniel Ortega was a big move in this direction, but we should not be so naive as to believe that the U.S. will rest until the Sandinistas are completely removed as a threat.

Therefore, the solidarity and anti-intervention movement here must be just as vigilant and active in regard to events in Nicaragua as ever before. Broadly speaking, our goal must be to protect the gains of the Nicaraguan revolution.

Disarm and Demobilize the Contras: The contras are now, as they have been for the past decade, the largest threat to democracy in Nicaragua. Their disarming and demobilization must occur immediately. If the Sandinistas lose control of the army and police and the contras are not demobilized, it is conceivable that the contras could become the bulk of the new army. In this case the contras would be used to restrict the democratic process begun by the Sandinista Front by eliminating freedom of the press, speech, assembly and political organizing by opposition parties. The new army could also be used to prevent the Sandinistas from taking power if they were to win future elections. In a worst case scenario, the contras could become involved in death squad activity against Sandinista militants.

Maintain Strict Human Rights Monitoring: The Sandinistas, quite rightly, have fears about their personal safety under the Chamorro government. According to Witness for Peace, which has monitored human rights abuses in Nicaragua for years, two Sandinista militants have been killed since the election, reportedly by Chamorro supporters emboldened by the Sandinista defeat.

The U.S. government and its allies in Latin America have never felt the need to respect the human rights of our declared enemies. Tens of thousands of people were killed following the CIA-backed military coup in Chile in 1973; the Salvadoran military, funded completely by the U.S., has killed 70,000 civilians in the past decade; and the Guatemalan army, put into power in a 1954 U.S.-instigated coup, has killed over 150,000 civilians, to cite just a few examples.

Given this reality the solidarity movement here will need to engage in the type of human rights monitoring that we now do in El Salvador and Guatemala. This will include participation in rapid response networks to send telegrams in response to human rights violations to pressure the Nicaraguan government.

Continue Education About the Nicaraguan Revolution: Under the Sandinista government, most people for the first time ever had access to schools, health care, and their own land. Since the mainstream media in this country never found these things worthy of being reported on, we must continue to make these changes known.

Additionally, we must protect them. The new government will be under pressure to get rid of state-owned farm cooperatives, and to privatize banking, the export market and higher education, all of which were nationalized under the Sandinista government. Chamorro has indicated her desire to do all of this.

The solidarity movement here must continue to educate the U.S. public about the significant difference these institutions made in the lives of ordinary Nicaraguans and why they should not be changed under the new government.

In the educational sphere, for instance, higher education was subsidized by the Sandinista government and priority was given to those areas that would most benefit the poor, such as medicine and agrarian work. A privatized education system under the Chamorro government would soon resemble pre-revolutionary Nicaragua, an instrument of the elite for maintaining their position.

Expand Ties With Sister Cities, Churches, Unions, etc.: In the past these ties have enabled the solidarity movement to attest to the gains of the Nicaraguan revolution, counteract the distortions of our media, and provide support for the revolution. It is likely the new government will be hostile to these efforts because they support the progressive sectors of the Nicaraguan population.

To the extent that Sister Cities will not be controlled by the Sandinistas, we can shift our work to mass organizations such as AMNLAE, the Nicaraguan Women's Association. Organizationally, this means little difference in our work, only who we work with, i.e., non-govemmental groups instead of the government. If at all possible we should establish new relationships with universities, labor unions, artist organizations, farmers, etc.

Continue Direct Aid Fundraising: Traditional fundraising for relevant projects should continue, both for the material and symbolic significance they hold. Indeed, without the support of the government, progressive sectors in Nicaragua will be in more need of financial support than ever before as they try to rebuild from the damage of the contra war and the U.S. economic embargo.

We can engage in humanitarian work almost anywhere in the world, including the United States. But there was--and continues to be--a reason to do work specifically in Nicaragua. The Nicaraguan revolution laid out a political and social task designed to distribute resources equitably and to empower people to become active in shaping their own lives. It is for this reason that we should continue to support the Sandinista Front and other popular organizations in Nicaragua. In the words of Daniel Ortega, it would be tragic to concede defeat at this juncture.

David Austin is a member of the Latin American Solidarity Committee (LASC). Call 665-8438 for more information about LASC.

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Sister City
Old News
Agenda