Annual Report: Of The Executive Committee Of The Michigan St...

The return of another Anniversary finds the Anti-Slavery cause steadily advancing towards its fina] consommation. The objects to be attained ore more distinctly perceived by the mass of commuiiity, the power of opposing prejudicos is diminishing, a greater unanimity of action has been attained, and public sentiment more fuily responds to the fact that the anti-slavery enterpnze is founded on the iramutable principies of righr, and will eooner or later previl over all opposition. It may not be unprofkuble on Ihis occasion, briefly to review some of the agencies which have been brought to bear ogainst the evil of Slavery, to ascerfain the extent to which they have heen efTectual, and to consider what further aciion is necessary to secure their most powerful operaLion. CHURCH ACTION. The benign influences of the Christian Religión are the original source and fountain ofnearly or quite every pliilanlhropiction in the vvorld. The great Teacher of Christianity strongly inculcated the cardinal Democratie principie of the equality of man, and required his followers to treat all the human family as they would wish to be treated in like circumstances. He enjoined on them the necessity of carrying out the principies of tlieir religión by their individual precepts and example, and by the influence which they might exert by their decisions in an associated capacity. Tn carrying out the spirit of Christianity, it was to be expected that its followers would treat the holding of men as property, as they would treat adultery, robbery, theft, or any other odious crime. In their associated capacity, they ehould beartneir soleiTin tesíimony against the iniquity; and iifter due admonilion, should exclude those Who persist in the perpetration of tho crime, from the fellowship and conntenance of Christian believers. But theprofessed Churches of Christ, taken te awhole body, have been far from adopling this Balutary course. A considerubie portioñ of professing Chrisiians in our country are themselves the holders of slaves; and they contend that the practice of holding property in man has been approved by the Creator of all men, and has been sanctioned and sustained by tlie usages and precej)ts of inspired Evangelists and Apostles. Asecond class of ministers and ClmstinnscoDienü tliat tins practice is not directly condemned or approved in the Holy Scriptures, but the Sacred Writers were silent concerning it, as they were concerning other political relations, and they left the whole matter to be determined by the light of reason, by the tendency of the practice, and by aJl the circumBtances of each individual cuse. Those who hold to these sentiment3 would, of course, not be forward about troubling Christian cfaurches vrith queations ofso little importance, that they were not deemed of a notice in the volume put forth by Divine Wisdom as the directory of humap conduct. A third clasa consider elaveholding to ben'ght or wrong according to the circumstances; and tbey are oppoecd to any ecclesiasMcal discussion or aetion upon the subject, lest it ehould disturb the peace of their denominations, and destroy the union of the church. A fourth class conceive the abomination of Slavery to be expressly reprobated in the strongest terms by Divine Revelaiion; and they would make the praeïice of the Christian church conformable to its requirements, by excludmg those who practice the wickedness after full admonition, from the acknowledged number of Christian disciples. U is obvious that while such discordant and opposite sentiments are strenuously maintained by their respective adherents, any uniform action of the several churches where they exïst, or of the krger ecclesiastical bodies, wil] be impossi!)le. In the Congregational, BapU'st; and Presbyterian denominations, where each individual church is free to act for ilself, proper resolutions against slavery, in many cases, have been adopled, while, at fhe same time, in soméofthe higher ecclesiasticalsemblies of the same denoniinatíon, the most strenuous slaveholders are received and welcomed as members in good standing, and venerablo fathers in the Lord. Of these denominations we are happy to say, there are, however, some of the higher judicatories and associations that have borne open, firm, and unflinching testimony agninst the sin of slavery, ond may doubtle&s be expectc d to act in a corresponding rnanner, whenever an occasion for such aclion shall arise. Among thepe are the Synod of Michigan, the General Association tn New-Eneland, the Free Will Baptist denomination, and several Synods and Presbyteries nnd other bodie? at the North and West. The policjof the Methodist Episcopal Church prevents any effèctive action of separate portions of that denomination, and henee its nuraerous and zealous anti-slavery members are compelled to tolérate the predominance of slaveholding pTactices and principies, or secede from the denomination. The authorities of the Roman Catholic and Protestant Episcopal Church carerully exclude the agitation oftlie subject from thcir precinfs.rims, in all the great denominations which bave received slavebolders, the same difficuity is encountered in attaining a correct anli-slavery action, wliich hinders the proper acfion of onr National Legislatnre. The persons whose acts are to le tried,for?n a component part of the tribunal, and oten control its decisions at pleasnre. While this is the case, efficiënt action will not be attair.ed in any clenomination. A portion of each sect virtually say to the remainder, whether slaveholding be a sin, or not, we are deiermmed to hold on to it;" and the remainder must either separate Trom them, or remoin with them, and thus give toleralion to their f-in. There ie no other alternative. That a genera] separation will take place n wbich Slavery shall be the dividing Jine, is not likely to hoppen, judging only from the action of the different denominations during the last ten years. Tiiose who take the lead in the several ecclesiasticallea, muy, macea, emertain tne attenüon of their members by the pnssao-e of anmial reaolutions, dsploring the evil and wickedness of slavery, whüe íhe slaveholder, the acknowledged perpetrator of this evil and wickednes?, is received (o the bosom of the chnrch, is infolded in its arms, and the sacred ehield of Christianity is intepofied between him and the censure and scorn which mankind are disposed to bestow upon his nefarious acts.- The sisteni is loudly denounced, while ihe upholder of tbat system, without whom it could not exist, is proiuoted to ihe highest ecclesiastical honors. Henee, from all t'iose consideration?, ve come to the conclusión, that those who look for favorable and dechsive anti -slavery action at present from any denomination containinjj slaveholders. anticípate that which id not authorizd by experience, or by reason. To sum it ail up, we may safely say that no ecclesiastical action of any christfon body can be ofurnen va me wnicti permits the holders of slaves in its communion to persist in the pracüce of the most flagrant ou trage and robbery which one human bninrr can commit upon another; and there is Jittle prospect that snch will be excluded frotó its fellowship, while the slaveholders themselves conslitute a large integra] port ion of the body, are defended by its infiuence, sustained by its revenóos, and are cxalted to its highest stations of influence and honor. We sec, then, that nlthough the united influence of the wliole Chrisiian church mighl be brought to bear upon the évil of slavcry with powerfu], if not irresistible influence, there is no eatisfactory reason for believing it willspeeuuy oe exerieü. ir the American Clmreh has been the buhvark of American Slavery, we fiud the bulwark atill existin?, and still presenting-, though we think with constantly diminishing force, the same hostile aspect to tlie slavery array. Bnt let us not thcrefore be discouraged, or our faith impuircd n those simple yet sublime precepts of our hoJy Religión, which first originated the anti-slavery enterprize. It is an indisputable fact that the benign and blessed jnfluences of the Gospel ave feit upon the ],earts of increasinr multitudes of ministerg nd people in every land, and will overturn and overturn. until Slavery shall be known only in the annals of tho past. POL1TICAL ACTIOIS'. But while iskvehoJding is contrnry to the Divine requiremens, and is a grievous vronogainst our fellow man, it is also a great political evil, and must, therefoie, be witbstood by polieical measures. An evil that has co.me into existence by the force of law, as a general rule, can only be removed by law. Slavery, is a great political ovil, and it is not known. that u has ever been removed in nnyState or Nation, ancient or modern, unlcss by law, orpoiitical revolution. Axiy measures, therefore, which tend to array politica! power against its influence, deserve ío be favorably regarded. The firsí anti-slavery men supposed that their object could be secured through theaction ofono or botli the great political parties. But experience soon demonstrted, that they were both controlled by a small band of slaveholders, who kept the preponderance over them by throwing thcir influence for each allernately, as best might subserve their own aggrandizement. Henee was seen the necessity of independent nominations, which are now 6iipported by much the greater portion of genume anti-slavery men, and are advocated in aboutsixteen Liberty papers. The oíd American Anti-slavery Society, at its last annual meeting; although not approving the Liberty party, in certain cases recommended temporary nominations of anti-slavery men; and at a late special meeting in Philadelphia, resolutions were adopted, urging anti-slavery men not to support any candidate merely because he was opposed ío the annexation of Texae, or the Tvventy First Rule, or was a supporter ofNorthein Rights, or was nght npon any other single measure, but to cast their suffrages for those only who will pubh'clyaud unequivocally avow themselves in favor of immediateand uncondilional emancipation, and who wiil faithfully act in every proper way for its accomplishment. This is precisely the ground of the Liberty party, and thus, after the lapse of severa! years, vve find the whole body of abolitionists untted as to the great principie of political action. '. i he conndence of anti-slavery men in the propriety of independent nominations was furlher manifested by the iarge and talented Convention, which assembled in Buflalo in September, and unanimously nominated James G. Birney for President, and Thomas Morris for Vice President of the United States. The Libeity vote in this State was much less than it might have been, owing to the want of exertion on the part of anti-slavery men. It amounted to 2,775, being an increase of 645 during the last year. AU experience shows that the increaseof the Liberty vote is uniformly proportioned to the exertions made to augment it. Thns, in the second Congressiouol District, the Liberty vote was 3232, every tenth voter being a Liberty man. This proportion is about aslargeasit is jn any Congressional District in the Free States. In Jackson Öouöty, where a few faithful frierds have exerted a ealutary influence from the beginnig, every fifth voler ia a Liberty man. Liberty votes were given in all the organized countics in this State, exsept four.Jfa all the Free States, the nggregate Liberty vote is 57,000, an increase of 32,000 the past year. It is woriby of remark that during the three yeare, in its average annual increase, t has just doubled. Thus, in 1840, it was abóut7000, in 1841, 23,000, in 1842, 35,000, 1843, 57,000. An increase iu the same proportion for a very few years, will give the Liberty party a decided ascendency in the councils of the nation. PETITIONS. In the early stage of the anti-slavery enterprise, petitions to Congress were found to be the most effect ual ineans of exciting the attention of the nation to the subject of Slavery. They occasioned perpetual debates and discussions, which were reported and read in every part of the Union. Henee, by an exertion of arbitrary, power, at the dictation of the slaveholders, petitions on this subject have been denied a hearing or a reception, by a standing rule, adopted from year to year.oy a joint vote of both the great politica] parties. This, in itself, is most convincing and palpable evidence of the existence of a Slave Power, that presides ovur the councils of this nation. This rule was re-enacted on the seventh of December last, by a majority of four, and the members from the Slave States, of both parties, united in a solid phalanx on this question, for the purpose of putting down the rights of Northern Freemen. Every member of the House of Representativos from those States, except three, voted that our petitions should not be received, or heard, while a petition from a Slave State was never yet refused a re.ception or hearing. Few petitions were forwarded to Congress during the last year. Several reasons may be assigned for this. The first is, that public attention may nowbe reached'through many other channels, as well as it can through this. The'second is.thatevery rrian who has tlie spirit of a freeman in him, must eventually become disinclined to prefer Jiis requests to a body of men who make use of the opportunity of cach presentation for a renewed insult to him, and another invasión of his rights A third reason may be found in the fact that the freemen of Michigan have never yet been represented in either House of Congress by one who has had the courage or the mclination to speak one manly word in vindication of the right of h'is constituents to be heard before that body. The Senators from Uichïgan have suffered a standing rule to exist from year to year in that body, by which all petitions or memorials on this subject have been laid upon the table, without reading, printing, or reference. It is not known that they have ever objectedto this Rule oí moved its repeah The gentleman who last represented üs in the House of Representatives did, indeed, oppose the adoption of the Twenty-First Ruleby his silentvote; but neither he nor his predecessor ever publicly intimated to the slaveholders who insolently intruded on our rights, tho.t such a rule was at all offensive to the freemen whom he represented. The right of petition was formerly accounted valunble; but it is of no more value to anti-slavcry men than it is to Whigs or Democrats or Slaveholders. - We can do as well without it asthey can. As it is, it is now lost to the whole nation, and there seems to be no great probability of its permanent recognition, until itshall be cal led forth into newness of life, by the renovating influcnce of a liberty administation. But there is much more encouragement for petitioning our State Legislature to achieve that part of the anti-slavery reform which devolves on them. Petitions for the extensión of the right of sufïrage without distinction of color, wereforwarded to the Legislature at their last session, and were favorably reported upon. Others have been forwarded to the Legislature now in session, and are seconded by the action of the colored people in tbeir own behalf. Whatever maybe the action of the present legislature, the Committee have the most convincing evidence of the change of public sentiment in favor of removing the pohtical disabilities of colored freemen; and the general snirit ofthñage indicates ttiat this reform will surely come, and that at no distant day. Petitions have also been fonvarded to the Legislature, asking them to enact a láw prohíbiling the use of our jails and other public property to slave catchers Cor the imprisonment of human beings; and also prohibiting our citizens from aiding in the recápture of persons claimed as fugitive slaves. Such a law has recently been enacted in Vermont; and it is believed will be generally adopted through the Free States. THE PRESS. The Signal of Liberty has been reguIarly issued during the year, agreeably to the arrangement made at the last Anniversary with the present pulifishers. It has also been enlarged and otherwise improved, and in its typographical appearance will compare with any other paper ín the State. lts circulation has increased nearly 200, and extends to nearlyevery county in the State. LECTURERS.L.ECTURERS. The Executive Committee have not commissioned any lecturers, during any portion of the past year, except Mr. William Platt, of Ohio, who has recently commenced his labors among us, and proposes to remain in the State during the winter. But volunteer lecturers liave taken the field in the different parts of the State, for a short time, with the most happy resul ts. The principal difílculty in the way of employing lecturers, has boen the want of funds in the treasury to pay for their services. Could that difficulty be overeóme, the employment of lecturers, who might also be connected with the tract distribution, would be highly desirable. TEACTS.Great numbers who are favorably disposed towards anti-slavery views, are unable to pay fora weekly paper, and some cheapev medium of communication is needed with them, and with that portion of community who are unacquainted with anti-slavery measures. Brief and cheap Tracts, usually treating only of one or two distinct topics, have been found the best means for this purpose. They can be circulated where an anti-slavery paper will not be received. They are read by more persons, and are not as soon destroyed. As they treat of single topics, they leave a distinct impression on the mind, and are less obnoxious to prejudice. Thev have been found very effectual in New York. Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maine, Ohio. Indiana and Illinois. Recen tly, a New England Tract Association has been organized, which offers to supply the whole Union with the best Tracts at the smallest possiblc cost. The Committee are fully sensible of the great importanceof a general circulation,ofTracts,but thej have deferred making any arrangements for their purchase or distribution until the Society should meet, because a general concert of action is indispensable to the execntion of ajudicious plan. But the importance of such a iiistríbution can only be second to that of the regular issue of a weekly paper; and your Gommittee trust the Society will not adjourn without agreeing upon a plan of uniform and efficiënt action. ín conclusión, your Committee cannot but express the encouragement they feel for continuad and vigorous exertion. - Great and lasting reforras in society are not to be accomplished in a moment by a sudden. and violeat impulse. Theyquii'e time. and patience, and caro, and assiduity, and union of eflbrt, and where these are brotight to boar wisely and judiciously, the rcsult is never doubt ful. - The example of English abolitionists might be profitably considered by us. It was almost half a century from the organization of the first Anti-Slavery committee till Slavery was abolished in the West Indies; and now that the nation has been converted, its national policy is decidedly anti-slavery, and its gigantïc energies are at work in every quarter of the globe for the liberation of the slave. Had this revolution of feeling in the British nation required the labor of a hundred instead of fifty years, its results would have repaid the cost a thousand fold. He who labors for the good of his fellow men, labors also for the good of the millions who shall come after him; and the amelioration of the condition of a single human being may teil happily for the destiny of each succeeding generation tlirough all coming time. May we not hope that the same kind Providence which has watched over the anti-slavery cnterprize in other portions of the world, will also kindly regard us; that our measures may be wise, our purposes pure. our success rapid, and our whole movement be so conducted that it shall redound to the honor of God, and subserve the highest and best interests of man.