Selections: Mr. Clay's Speech In 1839

Mr. Clay wrote, last summer, to Mr. P. Williston, of Nortliampton, thathis views on the subject of slavery remained unaltered, as they were in 1839; and he referred pnrticularly to his speech in the Senate, delivered that year. As the people of Massachusetts re not all familiar vvith that speech,we have thought it right to furnish our Whig friends with some materials for electioneering,by reprinting some choice extracts frorn that speech. - Einancipalor. SLAVEAY A SANCTIFIED INSTITUTION. I know there is a visionary dogma which holds that negro slaves cannot be the subject of property. I shall not dweil long upon this speculative abstraction. - That is property which the law declares to be property. Two hundred years have sanctioned and sanctified negro slaves as property. ABOLITION NOT DESIGNED BY THE WHIG PARTY. It is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, that either of the two great parties in this country has any design or aim at abolition. I should deeply lament if it were true. DETERSllNED HOSTILITY TO ALL EMANCIPATIOX. If I had been acitizen of Pennsylvania when Franklin's plan (of gradual cmancipation) was adopted, I should havevoted for it; because, by no possibility could the black race ever gain ascendency in the State. But if I had been then, or were now, acitizen of any of the planting States - the southern or south-westernStates - I should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any scheme whatever of emancipation, gradual or immediate. OBJECTION TO EMANCIPATIOX IN FLORIDA. Ifitwere expedient to abolish slavery in it, it could not be done consistently with the treaty, without grantingto the ancient inhabitants a reasonable time to remove their slaves. WEST INDIA EMANCIPATÍON. The West India slaveholder was neither represented nor representative in Parliament. And while I most fervently wish complete suecess to the British experiment of West India emancipation, I confess thai I have fearful forebodings of adisastrousterminationof it. Whatever it may be, I íhink it must be admitted that, if the British Parliament treated the West India slaves as freemen, it also treated the West India freemen as slaves. PECUNIARY INTEREST INVOLVED. The average valué of slaves at this time is stated, by persons well informed, tobe as high as $500 each. To becertainly within the mark, let us suppose that it is only $400. The total valué, then, of thesíave property in the United States, is twelve hundred milliions of dollars. This property is the subject of mortgages, deeds of trust, and family settlements, and has been made the basis of numerous debts contracted on its faith.EMANCIPATION TOTALLY INADMISSIBLE. The liberty of the descendants of Africa, in the United States is incompatible with the liberty and safety of the European descendants. Their slavery forms an exception - an exception resulting from a stern and inexorable nccessity - to the general liberty in the United States. SM ALL ACCOUNT OP PERSONAL LIBERTY. Is the aftair of the hberation of six thousand negro slaves in this District, disconnected with the three millions of slaves in the United States, of sufficient magnitude to agítate, disiract and imbilter this great confederacy1? OPTOSITION TO THE CONVENTION IN KENTUCKY. In 1837-8, the question of calling a convention was submitted to the people by a law. Many motives existed for the passage of that law, and among them that of emancipation had its influonce. Whenthe question was passed upon by the peopie. only about one fourth of the whole votes of the State supported the cali. I feit myseifconstrained totake immediate, bold and decided ground against it. EXPECTATIONS OP PROLONGED SLAVERY. It is frequently asked, what is to become of the African race among us? Are they to remain forever in bonduge? The qnestion was asked more than half a centuryago. It has been answered by fifty years of prosperity, but little chequered from this cause. It will be repeated fifty or a hundred years henee. Sufficient to the day is the evil thereof. We have hjtherto, with a blessing, laken care of ourselves. Posterity will fmd the raeans ef its own preservation and prosper MR. CLAï's THEOJIY OP BLEACH1NG OUT. I, too. have ventured on a speculative theory, which has been published to the world. According to that, in the progress of time, some 150 or 200 years henee, but few vestiges of the black race will renain among our posterity. VTEW OF ABOLITIOX. Abolition should no longer be regarded as an imaginary danger. TRIBUTK TO VAN BUREN. Prior to the late election of the present President of the United States, he was charged with being an abolitionist, and abolition designs were imputed to many ofbis supporters. Much as 1 was opposed to bis election, and ara to his administration, I neither sbared in making or believing the truth of the charge. ON ABOLISHING SLAVERY IN TUE DISTRICT OP COLUMBIA. The Senate, at itslast session, solemnly declared that it would be a violation of implied foith, resulting from the transactionsofthesession,toabolish slavery within the District of Golumbia. And would it not be? ON THE ÏNTEBNAL SLA VE TRADE. I deny that lhe general gevernment has any authority whatever, from the constitution, to abolish what is called theslave trade, or in othèr words, to prohibit the reraoval of slaves from one slave State to another slave State. Can it be pretended that, under this power to regúlate commerce among the States, Congress has the power to prohibit the transportation of live stock? VIEWS OP THE RIGHT Oí" PETITION. The most judicious course with abolition petitions, has not been pursued in Congress. It would have been wisest to have recei ved them and referred them with outopposition,and lo have reported againstIheir object. There is no substantial difference between these opposite opinions, since both look to absolute rejection of the prayer of the petitioners. VIEWS OF O'CONN'ELL. He would exclude us from European society - he who himself commoñly obtains a contraband admission, and is received with scornful repugnance into it! If he be no more desirous of our society than we are of his, he may rest assured that a state of eterna! non-intercourse wiil exist between us. Yes, sir, I think the American minister' would have best pursued the dictates of true dignity, by regarding the language of the member of the British House of Commons as the malignant ravings of the plunderer of his own country, and the libelier of a foreign and kindred people. POLITICAL ABOLITON. It is at this alarming stage of the proceedings of the ultra abolitionists, because they have ceasedto employ the instrumente of reason and persuasión, and have made their cause politica], and have appealed to the ballot-box.that I am indüced to address you.