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Robert Edmunds: For The Signal Of Liberty: Slavery And The N...

Robert Edmunds: For The Signal Of Liberty: Slavery And The N... image
Parent Issue
Day
26
Month
August
Year
1844
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

MEssns; EiwTons: - It s with deep ibriilinn in'eiest th:l 1 linve ied a niinibor of nrticlt-s in the Signal of Irte, e.xhibittng the comparative propnrtion ih.it the Freo Stnus holcl tinrj have 'hï!'I i:i the GrcT'-émniVni, lio n is organfearfofi úiwn lo the d ty, nnd I must acknowledpre t h-it it i with f humo tliai I discover ilic d-gradaiion to which the Fioe Stnics have submittctl. not hoving, nt nny time eijice iho orgnnizition of 'lis Government hnd a shnre of theufiicts pniportivwd to fla;ir fret pnpulutinn. Great n:d niirensonable os tliie ovil was nt first. I discuvo thnt it Iin3 growti with our growili, anilstrens; h ehad Nvith our etrer.gili. uniïl iho Free St;itee have IfiíB th'in ano fourtk oí tío oílict's to wln'ch ihey aro j'isify ciifirled, and this unte oí (hings (wliich nrises -from tho suhe'-rvioncy of tlio twu rre.u politieel pr.iiics t( iha mnndatcs oí tjio rtilU'h,) ti iijüii TO COíTXVC AS tOSO AS ï" Ï- 'i'ii'ÍJ.'í OF TÍJKSK PAnTliS RBTAl.VTEK POWER OK iHk GovKBKWíNT, ni'iiiipr party being a!, le to rötJMfl p'dwiTF w.thotn. thc aid of ibé eoiulicrn porign oí iliu ijüiiy. Kow J would tnnirc of ihc ■'reeínen of tie Norili how long iliis nro t f hift;s ehnll CDiitiiiua. nnd wfaélb'ër H wül ever lie renjpved l;y Prö-sIafM Pinnos. einen bo" OF 7HÍ-5F. pVüTIKB HE.ADÍLY YÍKLD TO ÜNJÜST IMANDíJ OF TBE SOUTH, fur fhc sakc of rcíaining povvcr. 7'!;9sorc vil li::siong hecti endtirnd; bowlong s'ifllí we endnre it? J nnsweT. not on!y tili tho ri-iief nre wasted witbout inhabitünt. btn íimí! Gdbricl's trurro tliIl ct!J t!io e!eop;nsr müíiona lo come to judmont. uviïss mm kí'I learn t lisrr.gtird t'ia enj of intcrC8fed olificians to'o irt, drt mrJ-ng i'icm vp to ve for thkih res!círt?5 ptrt'us, nnd who wi.ll over find Bomehing o be nccomplisliGd by thecotiíinir e!ectíoa of euficiotít irnponnnco to induce them for tli;a once f vote os iboyfnre heretofore dono, and then hey atiiiih it v.-ill be proper to yicld to the voice í reasoD, nnd yqic fir rihteaus hberty. In '!io view of whnt ve ore now HtifTcrinc } ;alt,tjpon thf. free elightíjnkd ITJZEiS OFTFJENURTH TO RALLY ROüNDTHE STANDARDOF LIBKRTY ILREADY EIUGCTED, vriib its b:mrer floatic oiï the breeze. and caít their votes ron rjftNET.AND STEVENS, and the Iliér onds who . are in nominatton on the Liberty cket, and enjoy the consolation which aríecs om n senss of hnving donerlgh', and no longer ave to iipbraid theiüselves wifh Iwving vo:ed for' 1(571 thfít lO.li vpkvld THE DA.B.K OBÍME OF 'LAVERY, and tfius continuo and pralong tlie file under which i'ie country is uow suiíer'g- R0RER1 EDMUNDS. Union -Dís'iict. Oct. 17, 1843.unión -uianci, uc(. u, 104.5. Above we present to the reader Iwo letters f rom Robert Edmuivds, o this CoHnty. The first was published in the Sinal of Ot. 23, 1843 jus previous to the election íor Governor. The oiher, wbich e receiverl m Juh, , we now pubhsh m juxla-posilion, fhat the slrikin? difference which ha taken place m the opmions of Mr. Edmiwrls in the short space of nint months, may be disiinctly seen. This as:, ld ter we did not inteud to publish; hut the circuición ofone or more copies of it thiough ihis counlv foi W hig purposes, has rendered ta puhlicatio-i necesaarv. The first k-tier is a ouiki anü-elavery document. H speaks for freedom in a firm and roanlv tone. B.it what Phali we eay of the second? ït makes the Bobert Edmuñes of Í84S to appear hkea vrry diffm-nt peron Irom the Bobert Edntundé of 1844. Just compare the views of the same person after the lapse of nmemonfhs: - . p 1. Mr. Edmundïn 18J3discovered withshame the deoradatiox to which tneFree fetales have submiltrd," having only one fourth of the public offices to which they are entiiled, and believed thatthis state of ihings was "like to continue as long as eithp.r of these parties retain the power of the Government In 1844, it teems f rom bis letter, bat he is decidí ly for having one of these parties -retain the power of the Government. 2. Hi first letter say that BOTH ih-ïse porties rendily yield to the ujust demands oí the South." Yet he wants Mr. Birnsy's nomination withdravvn, that one of these parties which so "readily yields" to uniust souihern dictaiion, may be (Xalted to power! 3. In his frst letter, he cautions Liberty men'to disregard the cry of 'mtfmïed pohticians who are drununing them up to vote for their respective pames." It is generally understood, and the opinión 'is subsfantiatcd by ifife letter, that Mr. E. inlends to vote for Mr. Clay. Wil! it be at all unjust, in that ensp, to say that he has bee;n thus drummed up" by thrm, and that they have found '($oipèthfi to be accomplisiied at the coming election of sufficientimportance to induce" Mr. Edmunds "for this wee" f o vote as he formerly did, in preferenGe to votihg "for rigldeous lïbertyi Has he nol hunself falle inío the trap which he pointed out to others? 4. In his first letter, he callad upon the citizens of ihc Free States to ''rally eround the standard of Libprtjr uiready erected, and 4cast their votes for Birney and Stevens." Nou-, Mr. Edmunds wants tbat efatndard taken down! 5. In 1843, tt "vote for men that will uphold the dark crime of SlaveRY,-'m the opinión of Mr. Edmunds, was a just cause of the upbraidin" of conswence. Is not Mr. Clay an "upholdei" of that crime, and is the aci oi votiriï for Kim less reprehensible now Iban it was then? Butwe bave ajVöthër oBject invifvv, besides shoiving lire change that ha? taken place in Mr. Edmundo We do not reproach him wilh this alteraiion-of his sentiments; for he isbound to go byhis delibérate conviefions of trulli and duty, But it is vvell io first be sure your right, bcfore you zo ahead. We are to 'prove all tïïings.." Let us noiice a few of the reaeons Mr E, has given for leaVing us, and refusiri-g to 'rally around the standard ol Lioetty already erected." . The first reaeon is; that we of the Signal, "still consider the true Abolition course to be to vote for Mr. Bikney." This is a true tíharge. We are on tbc same sround tbat Mr. Edmunds was nine months since. The?ccond rp;on is, that to vote for Birney is to ilfavor the rlection of Mr. Polk." This is not true in the proper sense of the woid. lf you see Iw&fíí'vn fiijbtrnf, nnd a third irían looks on without taking any part in the naitlè whatever leaving each combntant to fght as best he may, can it bo juatly sau] of him (bat he "favores either the one oi (he othor, vvhen he let them both entirely aloxb? Such is the position of Liberty men.- ihey let the other parties alone; and so far as th; pending election is concerned, vtvvould make no diff.iieüce to c ither party whether Liberty men vale for Birney, or stay at home and not vote at al!. Yet thev are charo-cd with keiping to elect Polk!! Can he be eaíd to help another, wl,o puts f.frth no actu.n whaieyet for him? The charle of help'mg or " favor i?i g" the c.ection of Polk is ihcreiore utlerly false, vvhen brought agüinst men who do not epeak, write, vote, or act for bis elcction. But it may be taid that we do not prevent the election of Polk when tve nnghtdo if by voting for Mr. Clay. This charge is allogether diffi-r ent irom tl.e former. In the other case-, when we saw Iwo men ñshütíe and di1 not interfrre, it was charged tbat we helpcd the strongest iS whhl t)e other, when in fací we put f'orlh no BGtiofi whatever. But we ad.nit that we do ïeiusfi to labor ogainst the eU-ction of Volle- fhr Oay ihe wcans praposed ior prevenling the evil we esteetuto be but li'itie ifanv Less permcious tbaii the evil itself. But Mr. Edmundos alleoafion is no't truc tbai the casting of our votes for Birney '-favors the election of Polk We have nothu.g to do with Polk; j.nd the result in bis case wili be preriseIy the same as tliough we staid at home, and did not vote for Birney, or any other person. - The third reasori K that by votin for Birney we "favor the election of tolk, and conscqnenily the Annesation of Texas to the United States, f.nlare the Slave Territory, and pro'.on indefinitcly t he reii(n of Slavery."- his Tiew of the consequences of At.nexation coincides with our own altho the lesult might be overruled by Divine Provide-nce for more ihe speedy and rfFectud extmciion of the system. But as we do not 'favor" the election ot Fosk, we do not favor the consequent evU which he wo.ild perpétrate; Besides, is it certain that Clay, uho says he has rsonoüy no objection io Annexation,' wih oppose it polUically with any great warmth or'perseverancc? ■ l But now let us turnio Mr. Edmunds, andask him whatcourse insintends toiLnur3U8 lo accomplish the liberiy of the poor slave"? If our courso is not iudicious, it devo.ves.on him to show us a better one. What shall that be? Shall we abandon the Liborty orgnnization entirely, and vote for Mr. Clav for Ihe purpose of keeping out Texas? The first consequence of this would be, the 3xtiriclion of the Liberty party. There would then be only two great Pro-siavery parties. VV öuld this be a step towards "accomplishing the libertv of the poor slave"'? Wc cannot bnng ourselves to believe that Mr. Edmunds would rejoice in the desrucnon i of the Liberty party, with all its noble principies and favorable prospecta )f benefi ting our whole country, and the world. Yet if all Liberty men should o as he has done- refuse to support the nominations- the party would cease liately A snnple withdrawal- without voting for Clay or Polk- is sufficient to ccomphsh this. Whether, therefore, Mr. Edmunds vote for Clay or not, he nora ■nes lus decisrve znfluence against the exislence of the Liberty Party. Does he ' nsh for its dèstructioh? Again, it is plain that in case of the dissolution of the Liberty party, only a very ismall portion of ris mernbers could be induced to vote for Mr. Glay. At least one half of them would not vote for any slaveholder whatever; the number who wouk go for Polk would be nearly as great as those who go for Clay; ond the few ihou sands of net gain to Clay, scattered over 13 States, would not probably make am difFerence in the electoral votes which Mr. Clay would receive, or, if they made any difTerence, they would not determine theelection, ahdconsequently be ofno ac lual use in his election. Should the Signal, and all the other Liberty papers drop Mr. Birney, and takeup Mr. Clay, the mensure would not practically add any thing whatever to the certainty of Mr. Clay's election. But supposethal we could besure that by the aid of these few votes Mr. Clny could be elected - how much would then be accotnplished for the slave? What securitv havo we tlïnt Texas would not be annexed by the Democratie party who would have a strong minority in Congress,nssisfed by a few slaveholding Whigs1? Are not Whig slaveholders in great numbers looking for Annexation through Mr. Clay's slection, and does not one of the last of the Jun-ius Tracts, the mouthpiece of the tvhole party, expressly declare that Mr. Clay is not pledged against Annexation? But we have already treated of the subject at length, and have on handyet moreevdence to the same effect. Mr. Edmunds virtually proposes to us the immediate dissolution of the Liberty jnrty as the best metliod of subserving the antislavery cause. In any view in vhich we have been able to take of it, we cannot see how that wouJd benefit the lave: but on the contrary, we can see that iis rapid augmentation would exsrt an influence over both the other parties which would be salutary and perma ïenf. ' Wc have thus considered the several positions of Mr. Edmunds without asperity f vindictiveness, and with the utmost fairness and candor. Our cause ever gairis y impartial investigation; it wijl beaF the most rigid scrutiny from its friends or nemies, nnd while it asks no concealment, it accedes to no compromise. We nowlhatits course is onward and its ultímate success certain; and we anticípate ïatlheday is not very remóte, in which Mr. Edmunds hiinself will rejoice that e Liberty party was not abandoned,_but that in despite of his example, multitudes 'ere found faithful to his exhortation of 1843, to refuse "la volefor men that will phold the dark CRWfE op slavery" and "to kally around the standard of .iberty already ERECTEU," and vote for the noble-hearted Birney and Morris. LETTER FROM ROBERT EDMUDNS. Mr. Becklky, Dear Sir: - Per oeiving by jour paper that jou stil eonsicler the true Abolition coiirse to be to vofe for Mr. Birney, and thués secure the election of Mr. Polk, and consequently the Annexation of Texas fo the United States, enlarge the Sfave Terrifory and prolong indefinitely the reign of slavery, I judge it improper for me Jonger to patrónize a paper thal pursues a course 60 diffierent from that vvhich appears to me consistent and proper to pursue to accoiuplish the liberty of the poor slave. I therefore request you to receive your pay, and stop my paper.

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Subjects
Signal of Liberty
Old News