Communications: To The Electors Of Wayne County

The objects of the Liberty party may thus be summarüy stated: - the abolition of Slavery: the rescue of the nation from the dominion of the slavc power: tTie encouragemenl of'the laborer as the basis of national wealth, and the rendering of óur national power subservient to the cause of freedom, instead of as heretofore to that of lts antagonist - Slavery. These objects tbe accomplishcd peaeeably, by constilutional, moral and christian riieastffès, nnder the guidance of a kindly spirif, aiid a wisc deliberaron. Tbat Slavery e.xists, all know. That an inílucníial Slave Poicer must exisf, s disclosed by the constitutional provisión, jwhich gives the non-slaveholding States a single principie of political power, that of a representaron founded on persons only, but the Slaveholding States gives a doubla principie, tounded on property as v.'cll as persons. In the words of John Q. Adams, our constitutional comproniise palees Congresstho representativo of the persons and frèedórh of tbc north- of the persons, pr.perty, and Slavery of the South. That sucli slavc power is not inert, living in theory, hv-x dcad in practice, bat .on the contra ry is in startling aciivity, is proclaitnod by be niófiópójyot our uomestic goveniinent - our foreign ministers- our public moneys, and the world's markets, b'y slayeholders. As an instance, our present President - his Secretaryofthe Navy- of the Treasury, and of State: the Postmnster and Attorncy General: the Chief Justice: the President of the Senate, and Speaker óf the House of Representatives, are all slaveholders.Both large partjesrpf the nation are so under control of this sovereign power, thatthey offer fbr the Presidential Chair butSlaveholders. That free labor institutions- not merely those of a commercial - a mechanical - or an agricultural nature- but all of every kind, do rcquire protection, is obvious f rom ourhistory. - The mechante and the farmer have been wholly overlooked in national protective policy. Comrnerce aud manufactures have received but fluctuating and inconsistent consideraron; while on the other hand slavery products have received a most tender, steady and eiFective protection. That Slavery, and not freedem bas been fostered by the practical genius of our govemment, is falally manifested by the above facts: also by the purchases of new slave territopy - by the lavish expenditnres of public money in embassies - appropriatiöns- and otherwise forslavcry's benefit- and by theerection of the slaveholders, though numbering but 250.000,. into a class of the most favored priv-. ileges- pecuniary. political, and social. Fellow citizens - is it not time that these things should cease; that the genius of '76 should be purified, and fulfil the glorious destiny, to which it was designed by the authors of that noblei. iic uweny party have been coerced to the ibrrnation of athird party in order to carry out these objects. They tried the large parties and found both of them wanting. The democratie party never professed sympathy wilh us. Jn 1340 the Whigs ivere fuirly tried. Seated in power, - with. the co-operation too of abolitionkts- under a victory never befo re witnessed and not .likely hereafter to be equalled, they also .failed,and the old system oi'slave dominion but progreësed to higher demands. True both parties contain ïn.tny members, possessing góod abo]ition feeling; and true that many of the WhJgsof 1840 1abored to effect some'of the abolition -though even these feil short of others, vet it is matter of history that the Whigs failed in (net, 110 less than the democrats, and that failure proclaiming the want eiiher of will or ability, admonishes the Liberty men that their principies cannot more flourish through Whig than Democratie orgnnization. If the Whigs fMled in 1840, when do they expeot greater power? Inieed it is obvious that while both parties have an organization in the South, neiher of íliem can be an antislavery party: ?or the southern portion will alwayscede from au antislavery efíbrt, and thercby leave theshorn party in a powerless minority. The Liberty objecis. thereforo must be sought íhrough a new party founded in the intelligenco and anti-slavery feeling of the peóple at large, be théy vvhigs or democrats, Soutberncrs or northerners; - butmen who will lay aside for a.seasoa minor differences that they may rally to the support of a comnion great and dear principie. Such 'temporary co-oporation, by men of otherwise conflicting opinicns, is exhibited in the Native American organizaron, and Ave cannot doubt that the love of libeity, the vcneration of country, and the dislike of slavery, lie so deep in every. American hcart, as will ensure a majority to their support, whenevcr they are fairly understood. lf further evidencc of the nccessity of a fhird party, than the rcvelaíions of experience, were needed, it is aílbrded in tho presontation of slaveholders for the PresK. dential chair, by the oíd partios. For 43 out of55 years, slavery has.presided ovcr the' dèslinies of this nation, and ia our highest oíFice has exhibited to the world's gaze thé dominant spint of our institutions. This unuatural partiality, in strict koeping witli a. like uüiformity in our every national departmënt, has been exposed by the Liberty party for many. years, and vet we now see that the old parties do not profess even this principie of reform, though so important to free labor interests, and so-undoubtodly dear to American freemeh; Nay, one of thesepames, so lar irom professing to reform, selccts the very candidato svhom' in 183.9 they rcjected chiefly hecause of his high proslavery opinrons; and no"v in 1844, i t presen ts this same rejected gentleman,; jvith his every sentiment of 1839 not merely unallered, but expressly reaffirmed,; und greatly oggrivaterd by a Menden-' .Salí i-oech; and this, too, ata time whcn the community has been so enlightened on the snl)ject oí Slavery, and when an &nnexation- project threatens to feárfully áugmcnt tlie ovil. Qpponents charge on us that we have but one idea:'' U the objectorsexami;ned our principies, they would ñnd among those relat'ing to every great interest in the nation. Finance, commmerce, fred labor, state rights, republican principies, dómestic ecurity, dur unión and national pennanence, to ly nothing of the abo}ition of slavery,the right of petilion and speech, the principie of taxation and reprcsentation, &c. They also charge upon lis, as iately in the Detroit Adverüser, a wish to dissolve the Union. This charge the party has ahvaysdenied, and we again, for it and for ourselves, deny it. We'lovc theUhion and will c'Herfsh it. Il is the nation's strength, and the guarantee for its permanence. Dissolution would consign to perpetual bondage three millions whom we reduced to slavery, and to whom we therefore owe the sacred duty of ernancipation. We also owe to our felkxv white citizena of the south the duty ofaiding fhcm tö abolish a system, which floods them with present evil ofevery kind, and is pregnant with fearful forebodings for the future. And' a3 inhcritors of the principies, of '76, we owe the filial duty to our revolutionary sires, not to pormit, on plains sacred with revolutionary blood, theerection ofamonarchy, which would inévitably follow in the South a dissolution of the Union. For these reasons thushastily sketched, out of a multitude, we invite pubhc support. To all we say, read, read, head. Take not whig or democratie statements of us, of our objects. our fanatici.-m, or the itnpracticability that lies in cur way's but read, each for himself. It must strike every observer, that although our one idea" principie has been the themeof ridicule or objection, yet that a small portion of it. (and that but a vcry small portion too) has been greedily seized upon by one of the old parlies, as the prominent principie upon which totest thc presidential campaign, and sail inlo power. The annexation of Texas has al most swajlowed up "TarifF and Bank.:' Listen to public speakers, read tlic journals oftheday, or talk to your neighbor, and you find "annexation" the pinching theme. Yct for ycars tlie Liberty party has cried aloud on this subject. Read their old publications - read their Jay's view of 1830, and you will find their early sagacity and their mature wisdom on this subject. It did not require thc dêyelopmems of 1844 to enlighten tiikm. The Texas designs of the South have been for years os plain to be read by all who would, as they are at this day, but the Liberty party vainly called on the nation to interfere. Taunt, jibe, contempt, or misrepresentation was their answer. Yet i:ov is a great party nervously anxious to seize this as their vital principie. Fcllow citizens, we wamed respectipg: this subject 10 years ago, and ever since, and we now warn ogain. Both the great parties are unirue on the principie of annexation. They scarcely differ on the subject. Mr. Polk would annex at once. Mr. Van Buren would not annex unless on certain terms. Mr. Clay occupiessuosiamituiy the same grounds: he avows that "personally he could have r.o objection." The whig convention declared no position whatevcr on it. Mr. Frelinghuysen is silent as the grave: the Southern Whigs. claim Mr. Clay -asan annex-, ationist sure and certain, but all in good timo. He was found with. Walker and Calhoun, the present leading annexation, in the S.enate measures of 1837, for recognizing Texas. Among the democrats, dissatislnction exists on the subject. In New York, some have come out m a letter - more by á public meeting, and others have openly united with us. - Such is the positioh of the old partiea. In fact, all we know on the subject of annexation is- lst. That it is an open question with both parties, and s especially declared to be so with the Whigs by the orthodox Junius tracts. 2nd. Thai Mr. Polk is an immèdiate annexaüonist, and that Mr. Clay has no personal objection. :3rd. That Mr. Clay is only pledged not to annex at too great cost, in the absence of Mcxico's consent, and in the tceth of a hostiüty by a considerable number of the States, so trong as to lead to dissolution: and 4lh, Tliat the Liberty is the My party pledged against annexation, ünder all circunistances, and hx every possible contingency.Fellow anti-anriexaíiohists, we warn yoü that if annexation isto' be defeated, it rritrst' be by an expression cf otter hostility llirough thcballot box. Bc assured that if that expression bo weak, Texas will be annexed, and if it be strong, she sviïï be rejccted. No matter that this latter be a rninority vote, it will be añ éxpression of unqu'alified opposition, such as nö dominant party can or will disregard. And also be assured that there is but one' vay in which Texas can bc brought in, and thöt is by anli-an'nexationists voting for candidates who n'vow oh the one side lavoritism for the mensure - on theothor the total want of personal objection: