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Douglas Among The People

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Mr. Douglas was received with great enthusiasm at Troy, on Wednosdaj evenng. In response to :in address of welooine t'rom Mayor McConiho, he spokc ís follows: Mr. Mayor and Follow-Citizena of Troy aud oíd Rensscluer: This magniñeont reception froui you, on my arrival in thc nativo City of ny father and of my grand father, filis ny licart with joy, and creates feelinga wíiitóh I cannot adeijuatoly expross to you n words. In this oounty, for more thau onc hundred years, my anoeatora dwelt, and I have, perhaps, a largor numbor of relativos within its limita han in of any othor county in the world. There'oro, I greot you as friendo, who, without distiuctiou of party, have come out to give me a wolcomo. I am glad to meet ;his audienoe - vast in numbors and vigoruus n cnt'nusiasm. Aud I am glad to earn, as I do í'rom the remarles of your Mayor, that you havo come here to indorse ;hose principies which it has been the labor of my political life to deferid. The tones of his speech aro highly gratifyiug ;o me. For there can be no reward to a public man so grateful, after the approval of his owu couseionce, as the approbation of his fellow-citizeus, whom it is hií3 efibrt to serve. It was truc, as wai said by your Mayor i'.i tho course of his romarks, that my first spoech in the council halls of this nation was made in vindication of the old hero of New Orleans for the parSern anco of that uoble act by wbich lic saved liis country from the approach of the intader. 1. feit it my u!y, as well as my pleasure, to defond that old hero from thc issaults which had boon heaped upon him in oono.]uenco of that act, and to do what I could to procuro him relief from the penaltics of a scutence pronouuccd on account of its performance. And I will say now that no act ot' my life has given me more pleasura, or loft beliind it a rfinceir gratification. My only rogret now is, in these days of turmoil aml of dangcr wheu the eleinents 'of ruin thrcaten the happiqoss of our owu beloyed country, that there is notanotlior "Old Ilickoyy" to put down, not ouly abolitiouium at tho Nortb, bilt nulliik'ation and disunion at the South; to repress the elementa of discord and cvil whcrevor they esist, and give peaoe to our lovcd country; to pour oil upon the troublod waters, and bid tho eoaring, swaying waves, "Paace ko ' Por, my i'riouds, it is vain and criminal to attenrpt to conooal tho fact that tho institutions and the happincss of this country are now in greator danger - in moro abso luto porii - thau thoy have boen at any other period in its history. "VVhouever our institutions havo boen pat in (langer from civil commotious in the 'past, it has always been from the same disturbing cause; it has always boen because the Federal goverumeat gought to arrógate to itself Borne powers that wero not dologated to it by the coustitution. We should over bear in ïnind, myfrieuds, that nuder our complex systom ot' govermnent, our Federal administratie was intrusted with no powera but suoh as werc puruly Federal and appertain to the coutrol of national mterests,and not those which are conüned in their operation to peculiar looalities, that efleet the domostie institutions of the people in isolated communities. Tho Federal governmeut has no powers but such as are delegated to it by the constitution, and is especially iuhibited from using auy but these. Thus, whatever questions are domostie in their eharacter, and do not have a national application - for instance, sueh as appertain to the relations of husband and wil'e, parent and ehild, or master and servaut - do not bolong to the Federal government, but are by tho terms of the great fundamental instrument removed from it, and left for regulation and sottlement to tho people in thoir sovereign capaeity. All the turmoil, dissention and eon"filBiön which now prevalí in this country - all the dangors that threaten tho very fabric of our Union - arose from the attompt of the Federal governmeut to ignore those great principies; to arrógate to itself powers that wero not vested iu it by the conatitution; to assume control over the domestic relations in tho Territories of the country, where they sliould be left to the undisturbed control of tho people. We find to-day a northern sectional party - sectional iu its organization,1 sectional in its adherency, sectional in its caudidates, and sectiónal in its platform of principies - which assumes one side of this question, and Bays that the Federal government should leeep slavery out of all tho Territories of the United States, whether the peoplo want it there or not. And wefiud on the other hand a southern sectional party - soctional in its principies - which takes tho other braneh of the issue, and contouds that all tho power of the Federal administratiou and both houses of Congress shall be used to forcé slavery into all the Territories of the nation, whether the people waut it there or not. The republieau party claim that they should be put in possossion of the Federal government for the purpose of wielding its whole power and bringing all lts machinery to bear against the institution of slavery in the Territories. They claim that by positiva enactment th Federal govornment shall prohibit sla -twy where the people desire to have it. The sectional party at the South demanda that all the power and patronage of the goverunieut shall be put iuto their hands to enable them to force the institutiou upon the people of the Territories who do not want it. Neither propuse that the principie shall be determiued with any reference to the people, but cach is agaiost leaving it to their iuterpretation. The republicana tells you that slavery must be preveüted forever and everywhere in tho Territories. Aud the nulliEcation party teil you that slavery must be maintained foriivcr and evervwhere in the Territories. Both would settlo the matter without anv reference whatover to the wishes of the people. Por tf the peoplo do not want slavcry they would prevent Lts existence by means of uufriendly legislation; they need not have t, and intervention to keep ihein lVom havitrg it ia entirely uunecetitary. Ou the other haed, the ern party proposes to erowd elaveïy wlicrc the peóplé will nrcH liave it - Fóï it they do waul it,:.ouredi y lio CoBgMSIMfl'' al aotieu is rC(juii-ed In foC it 141011 il.eui. So bwiii are ;c'.kii)g tü faflten upoa the I ■ of the 'fefíitoj'iea a sy.stem of laws which 1 irj, a:;d wnich tlicy do iMt want. There is uo differènce, in this respect, betweeo tho northern abolitionirt party and Üiq southi-ru Beotional party.- They both stand in favor of giving to the Federal govornraeut a power woich is foreign to the object of its creution; and in this regard the principies of both are subversiva of the constitution. The ono would muster all the prejudices and pasHions of tho North to a war of pride upon tho habita and the institutions of tbc South. Tho other would rally southern pride and prejudiee under a southern banner, a?d wield tho whole power of the governrnent against tho North. On oither hand the issue presented is that of a scctional contest. Thus you find au "irropressiblo conflict" fiereely raging botween the two great distinctive sections of this country - a conflict that can only be sottled in only one or two ways: - Either by a dissolution of the Union, or by an adoption of the principie of non-iutervention with slavery or any othcr domestic institution of the Federal governniunt- interven tion now, uou-iuturveutiou everywhere - leaving the people of tho Territorios perfectly free to form and regúlate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject to no outside ontrol or interference whatevcr. The democratie party stands pledged to this principie now, as it has ever stood; and it will not desert it whüe the Union exists to be defended. It maintaius that the people of the Territoriea are perfect ly able to control their own mternal affairs, and it purposes to leavc thein, as it does those of the States, to do it. I say ïiow and hore, as I have always said, that the democratie party is not entitlad to the soló honor for the discovery of the principie of non intervention. In the great eontust of 1848 and 1849, the noble Clay stood firmly and oonsistently upon Üiia ground; leavitjg the quiet Bhades of a coveted retirement, and coming forth again in his roverend oíd age to poair oil upon tho troubled waters of bit. ternoM and atrife. Clay was tho leader of all ïuitinnal Union men in that great and heroio strugglc, and the representatives of both the whig and the democratie partios rallied a round hiin and gave hun tfiyir oavuest support. Tor eight or nine ïnonths wo assembled together in t!ie couiu-il room at 1 I o'.'look of each day to ■,,:isi:lt, 8tl mcasures tor healing the exi.stin bitteruess and giving peaee to the land. rhere was the godlike Clay, tho faiher and leader in the movements. - And tlicre was the noble Webster iipon his right.the venerable Cass upon his left. and iiruLuid thein tlie men of all partios, uniting for a comnion purpose in the tbreatening crisis- all burying our party stril'e until we coiild do what was first and most importante- until we could save the country. You all know the result of tho great struggle; huw at ength poaco was eectlred with tho adoptiou of the compromiso mensures of 1850 - of that bond of agreement wliioh stipulated tliat thcro nhould bo no Wiltnot proviso on the ono haud, and do slavc codo on tho othcr; no Congrcs.sion;d intervention agains: slavery at the North, and no Congressional iaterventiou for it at tlu Btmtfa; but which, in edttaonauee wiüi tho Jeffersouian theory of government,Jdelegated tho wholo vexed subject to the people of the future States, in their soveroign èapacity, to bo determincd by them without iuterforence, and subject önly to tho constitution of the United States. That policy thus enunciated in the compromiso inoasuros was the joint worlc of tho patriotic natioaal men of both partios. ülay and Webster, of the whig party, advocated it, and Mr'. Fillmore, a wbig President, aigned the bill. In 1852, tho whig party, in their national convention at Baltimore, ro-afiirmed the principies of the compromiso ïneasuroa as the truo rulo of actiou for all good whiga in all future time. The same year the same principio was reaffirmed by the democratie party for the governmont of all good democrats for all future time. ThttS, while whigs and democrats continue to diéer apon other subjects, all agroed iu banishiug tho slavery question froni the arena of national politics. [Hete an alarm of firc caused somo disturbance on tlie borders of tho erowd. Mr. Douglas paused, and said: "üli, that is ouly au old trick of theonemy to make muchíef But it will not sucecod. A democratie masrt meeting is not to be broken up iu tliia way." Tho confusión subsiding, ho proceeded.J I revnember that, il) the Prosidential campaign f 18ÍÍ2, the whigs wore in tho hubit of ehiitiiing the principie of' non-iutervention ns a whig disoovery, and clinginaf fust to it as their peculiar giory. It was niy practice to deny thia claim, ;tnd to aasert tbát tho principie ol' non intervention had au brigip an ocedent to the birth of the wbig party. "But," the whigs told rao, "our Clay was tho author pf tho comprotn'me, our Webster advocated it, and our Fillmore signed the bill." I was in tho liabit of aeknowledging tbesé facts; "But," I said, "ireiitletnou, you mustaduiit that, wliilo you gavo the geaerals wiio enginecred tho inoveriient, we demócrata furuÍ8hed the private soldiors, wbose voted i 11 botb houaes of Congress o?irried it through." I say now, therefore, as I have alway said, that tho honor of adop&ing the grent priaciple is to be equullv divided bet ween botb partiet. It was tho eomnion platform upon whiah all n.itiüual Union men stood in harmony. Tnere we 6tand to-mght, and tbere wc will continue to stand so lonig us the party to whicli we belotig mainhiiiis its orfíauizalion. I liave fought for] tliU pfinerple ever wnce I aa u iu'düc lifo j and I do not intend tó dosert ihu colors, if I ara obliged to stand bv thom alone. Lot me ask you o!d wïiiy;s whethyr you intand to 'abandon the poliuy tliat Clay sanctionod and Webster deioniled. Let, me ask juli whotlier you intend to omit your platform, raerely beciuise yóufindrue Btandrng npon it. I do rmt intend to abandon ttfid plank, which [have fongbt for myself, if I önd every whigiü Ainrrica standing upon it. In 18:u the demoerats in tho eonvuntum at QUwinnati re-iillinned tlio doctrine of non-intervention witbsluveiy The Ainoricaus likewise affirmed it, and incorporated their affirmation in the twelllh st-etion of theii' platform. I itsk yon Amurioan.-s vlu;lher yon are guitig U ubandon thie doctrine no#, beciiuso you find me deiending it. There are not Atnerlcans enOugh in Christendom to drive ino Iroin il. ,Tamc8 BuehaDan „;id John C'. BrBcisinridgt w.iv ] e li jon t'hjs principie. You bave not ioï, griften iVial Mr. Knclianan, in his lettsi c[)!;U!. ■, diStinCtly bilid tliat tho in, on whii-h be was ptaoed tw, id i%lti ol tbe pwople ol tfió Toi'ritoriöS, ts wéll as tLioa ol ilu Btaten, to regnlate their doiilestiu insti tuüons, including that oí slavery, in their own way - that the people shi.uld declare for themselves vvhat they wantod. Mr. Breekinridge pledged himself to tbe samo principio in his speech at Lexingtop, Ky., accoptingtho nominat:on for V:ce President. I stood beside him on the samo platform at Tippecanoe, and heard hiin maintain this dotrine, and John C. Breekinridgo went as far in ita defence as any sq natter sovereign ever did. Neithcr Buchanan nor Breckinridge would or could have been electod on any other doctrino - Suppose thpy had come to you here at tho North and told you that they did not believo in this principio ; that they woro in favor of forcing wluvery ipon the pcoplo. who did not want it ; how muny votos do you suppo&e thoy would havo 2-ot? rVoioefl - "Not any.' J No, not any, But thay liave chahged. I am as much opposed to intervention now as I was thon. Neither can [ comprehond how any good i'riund of the Union can dèiiberately go for Congrossional intervontion. When we look back to the foundation of the government; when we traco tho principies of the fathers in the Decía j ration of Independonoe, we find that this question existcd in the early history of the country. Our fathers did not object to the power of tho Bntish government to inako law.s which were imperial and general in thoir operation upon the coloniea, as the rost of the kingdom. What they did protest ngainst was tho atteinpt to interfere with and control their domestic institu tions, and arrogato power over affaire vvhicli were local to themselvos. Onr fathors did not desii-o indepundence of their own in the fii'st instanco - thov onv demande. 1 tbe rlght oí local ( rnmoat. When Grèat Britaln denied Ihem that right, then, and not béfore, they declared independente, as a nee.essilv ol aoquiring whnt thoy had debnanded. Hare, you see, that in the days of our eai'ly hiatory the doctrino of nonnterveution was the one upon which our fathersfought and Iriumphed in the bloody battles of the Revolution, And herOj we must stand if vo would continue to enjoy the blessings whicli our lathors transmitted to us, and provo ourselves worthy of thern. If you would maintain the liberty thoy acblev ed you must preservo inviolate tbe principies on whicii it was founded. You must establish tlio principie that the peo] le of ovory present and coming coMiinunity shall De free to establish their own laws, and regúlate their inBtitiltkuaa in tho manoer that shall best promote their ovvn interests, of which thpy are the bestjudges. Preserve tbut principio, and there will be harmo ny throughoat the land. The fires of sectional agitation will be qiienehed ; the accusations whioh ;ire bandied from eithor section will eea.'e ; and tho people will be brothers once inore - bouud togrlher by a commou fratemity and seeking a cornmón interest, the s:mie as in the glorious times of the Révplution. I pronouncte to yon that the dcmoernti party has a granel and lofty rnission to períorm. That mission is to put down northern aboliüomsm and southern secession by one and the sanie act; to put down Öongressional intervention ; put down disunion throatenngg ; put ' down the wholo disiurbing subject, and restore the gavennneut to the basis ot peace and secunty. Uovorninent will then havo limo and'ability for tho performance of its legitímate duty. You ask your niember of Congress why the House did not pass a bilí to pay for services honestly rendered? Ho tellsyou becaus? there was notimo You ask him why the postoffice system was not so maturcd as to ha a gelf-sustaioiogiostead of apauporone? Becauso there" was no time. You ask him why some revenue system is not devised so that the governmont would support itself, instead of running bohiud twenty tnillions a yoar? Beoauso there was no lime. You ask him what h bccorne oï tho Pacific Railroad ? Fremont was pladged to it; Buclianau wan plfdged to it; Pillmore WOftplöd to it. Everybody and all partios woie in favor ol it, Why, then. has it not. been built? Becauso there was no timo, Because tho sluvery question absorbed all other questions, aud ocoupied all the tiino. There was time enough to inake speeches for and aguinsl slavery in :hr. 'erriiorius; time enough to mak e oau us reBolutions and settle tho machiney of. a Presidonlial campaign ; time nough tofonn and discuss a Dongresional slave code ; time enough ia fight unl wrangle over the negro ; but net a )article to be appropriated to the inter?sts of whito men. Novv, my friond?. wo maintain that this governmont éraa nada by white men for the benefit of vhito men, and that it should be ;i! ministered by whito men to promote the uterests of white men. forever. And I would protect tho inferior races to the ullest extent in tho enjoyment of every natural right tolwhich thoy are eutitled. 1 would banish the slavery questiou it önce and forever from tho field of national politics, giving Congress time to altend to its legitímate dudes, and eáving the people to say whatthey will do with the institution. But, my friends, if 1 do not go home HOOO I shall get to roakJng1 slump H'echöfl beforo I know it-, [Voiees - 'Gp on,'"Go on."] No, I am np.t gouig on. I arn going to stop, and it a time I should do so. But I woul 1 fio1 reíuse tho opportunity to tell yon how proibundly graleíul I ara tor this noble ;iüd spontanëoaa rèception ; nor coukl I withhold from eon;e allusion to t he political quu.ítioiw toLiohecl upon by your Mayor ip his icmarks. I am not in the hábit of conoealin my thoughta, and ot emplpyiqij equivocál limguage for thetr expresión, i eould not, therefore, havo" snid ata word on politie without stating truthfnlly, and boldly the 'priiioiple.s which 1 hold sacrod in iny 'umi 'iva-t , and whioh ha', o gui lud me thruugh ali iny public lif, It in thus (tpihg I havo wóunded thei feelin's óï any whó htiWítsteied to mi1. L moSt heartly r6gret it - for f trust [ have too inucli regard ioi ■.ouuin n oourtesy to w-dilfulJy uit eyen tlio to me of thoaawho are oppósuj ipthwiniXöd audlehcöj and my only deiroÍ5 tlie Dobla örinclJosoo Wfcioh our tiovornment is based shall bc re estabüsjd, to giveihoti' niatrj; ::ty íiud poace, Th;uik.i,ií you again ruost heartiy for yfíar raagmtiöeni . I bid )"■'■ "■'! - ' ■ ' :