The Conflict And The Cause

Fklloiv-Citizkns: - It a not my purpose to-day to vmdioatö my character againat tha assaults and slauders n wliich I ara told the Eepresentative in Conress from tbis diitriot is in tlia habit of indul ging, nor against thoae wliioh I ain infurnied an itiuerant preaoher who accompanied Mr. Seward froui Auburn, is now retailiag tlirough tbc interior of tbia State. I can only treat mch binders and slanderers with that soorn aud ooatompt which they deserve. [Criss of '■üood," and appluse.] Sinco I arrivod hera thii morning I have read, for the first time, the npeeeh of Mr. Senator Soward, delTred in tbi city a few weeks ago [Crit-s of "riilence," "Sileuoe," and grt ittention ] In that speooh he lays down the proposition that it is the duty ot all gov ernments to ommind rwpeet abroud, and to presrve security, peace, and mony at. homo. He then assume that our gorernment ha failed to perform tbis duty, and pointg to the fot that the Nortb is digsatigfied witfa the South, aud the South with the North, asthe eviduo to sustain lus statement. He informa us that the South dttmauds that Concreta ahall extend lavery and maintain it in all tlie Territoria of th Uuitud States, to the end that all the new StatM shall be glave Statei ; aud a!so that the North demanda that Congrew huil prohibit slavery in all the frritorii of the United State-, to the end that all the n.w Sutw shall be froe Stateg. In thia olai aifioatiou of partiei, Mr. Sevrard haa committed two blunder; Firgt, h. takes it for granted that the seoessiou party of the South, under thw lead of -Mayor Breckinridg, ia the whole South; and, secondly, that the republican party of the North, under the lead of Mr. Lincoln, is the whole North. (General cry of "Never ") Graniing his propoaition that the scuthern firü-eaters, under the lead of Major lireekinridge, do deinand that Uongress shall maintain and protect slaverj jverwhere in the Territories for the purposi of making all the new States lave States, and granting his other proposition, that the republioan party deinand tbat Congrew hall prohibit slavery everywhere in the Territories, to the end that the new States shall all be free States, and what clusion can we draw trom these premises? The conclusión is inevitable that Mr. Seward wishes you to understaud that there is au ' irrepressible conflict," which must be detennineJ either bj the North subduiug tho South, or the South gubduiug the North. So long as this country Bhall be dmded into geographieal partieg, aud all thu nortlieru people shall be rallied uuder one banner, aud al] tfie southeru people under another banner, and the tvro engaged in fierce conflict with eaeh other,there ntver eau be peaco. ["That's trun."] Mr. : Seward was bound as a atategmau, wheu he luid down these propositions, to hare told uu the causes which producid thil irritatiou and guetional trife, aud pointed out the rainedies with whioh he propoged toa'lay it. He has failed to do th. But he hascalled our attention to a great hiitorioal fact which throws light upon the ubjeot. Ho declares that from the time of the adoptiou of the constitation of the United Sub up to 1820, there was peace on the glavery quegtion ; but that iu J820 a new national direction was giren to this goreniment - a national deviation, as he called it And what vu that deriation ? It wag the atteinpt on the part of the Federal Goverumaut to interfere with the subject of glavery iu the Srates and Territories. From' the day the constitution was made down to 1820 Congrew never atretnpted to touch the quegtion of glarery in the Territorieg [Applausu.] Just o loDg as CoiTgress left tiiat subject alone, just go long there was peace, harmony, and fraternity in the country. [-'Sound," "Thafs go."] The moment that Congress meddlsd with the question of glavry, aud undertook to control it ingtead of allowing the people to exeroise that right, there carne a fearful strife, which threatened to destrov „ o 'n' Wliat '" t!le inference that Mr. Seward, b an impartial otateman, ought to liave drawn from these faots?- he ooncluBion i inevitable, r,d h ihould have told you bo, that all this strife on thi question of skvcry ariies from the attenipt on th part of Congress to interfere with it. During the period of more than 30 years that this goyernmont was n operation prior to Ibiü, Congrega organizad sereral Torritoneg without interfering witlthe quest,on of slavery t all It created the rerritory of Ürleans, now compriiing the btate of Louisiana ; it created the Territory f Louisiana, now including the ístates of ArkansMS, Missouri, and lowa and the Territories of Kangas and Nebraska; it organiísd the Territory of M.ssmsippi and the Territory of Alabama ; and in no one of them did it attempt to iaterfere with the question of avery It did not prohibit slivery on the one hand, nor establish and protect it on the other. But, in eaeh of these Territorial governmeiits it left the Territorial legislatu. e free to maintain sluvery as long as it chose, and gt rid of it when it pleaeed. So long as tliis gmat principie of nnn-mterference by Congres was maintamed, we are told by Mr. Seward hhnelf that there was penco and harmony but ip 1820, when the Missouri controversy aróse, this government started off on anew national deviation. It made a pnrturetrom lts anoieiit policy, and inI stoad of allowing th people of the Territorios to regúlate this slavery qucstion f.r thcmselves, atterapted to con tol it by j act of Congrega, not only in tho Territorios, but iü the States. [Applauso ]- ihat attempt is known in the 'country as the great Missouri controversy The wisest and best men in tho country became alarmed for thefate of the Republic, and the best intellect and patriotism we had worecalled into requisition to devise i means ,by Wh we could allay and composethestrifewhichwas produ.ed. It adjusted by the adoption of the Misrëstorl That compronnse restccl upou the theory of a oartphioal orth Of wl),ch slavery should be prohibited, and south of wbioh it might exiat Mr. Seward tells M that it is a hiitorical i.c t that the Uïudiri compromiso avod this üuioii from disruptionl And jet, lie ld. that he wM always oppod(..d to it, and that the am wbo aot wiíh him wöceoppoBedtoifc I. t not a Bt confes.ou from the great leader of a j itieal parfy tbat ho and hi frisad -■ -w I alway irrovocably opposed tu the adop tion of a msasure whiuh lie sjs alone ïavtid tbc Union frora diso]ution? The Miitouri eoinpromia continued in force, acquiescd in by the North and by the South, until 1S45, wiien the annexa tion of Texab took place. When thai measure was pending beforo Congros3 the question arose rs to wbat we should do with the subject of slavery. At mv sugestión a propciiition wai iuoorporated into the bill anuexiug Texas, by whiöh the Missouri eotnpromise lino was extondcd wostward, thronglrTexas, as far as tho novv territorj went. My object ia offer'mg that propoiition, and tho object of Congress ia adopting it, waa to carry out thu Missouri compromiso according to ita trus inte:it and meaning Texas was annexad on that condition. In tiie treaty of peace with Mexico, by which tho war was closed which grew out of the annexation of Texas, we acquked California and New Mexico. In 1848, when the question arose as to what kind of gorerninent wc should give those uw Territorios which we had thus sequired, the Senute paisd a bill, on my motion, extending the .Missouri compromise lino to the Pacifiu Ocesn, in the sanie ser.se, and with the samo u idsrstandiiug with which it was originally adopted. If the House of llüpresentatives had eonourred with the Seuate, and pussad that bil], tlia slarory question would have been oloieJ and sattled forever. ["That's go."] If that bilí liad beoome a law, uo further agitation would ever have arisen in Congress about the question of slavery in the Turritorys. By whoin wa the Missouri ooraproinise defeated in 1S48? Suarc'i the records of Gonross and you will find it was defated by th votes of northern men with free-soil proclivities. [''Good," "Hear," "Hear," and applauae.] It was defeatsd by thí identicl raen who now compose the ropublican party. Tliey then 8aid that the Misouri eompromiss was an infamous nieasure. In faot, thsj dnounced it as the YÜast and most nfamou-" measur ver adopted by the American Cougress; and they used an argument against it which I always found it difiicult to answer. They argued that, if lavory waa right gouth of thiit line, it must be right uorth of it If it was right to let the people do as they please south of that line. it wus wrong to deprive them of the privilege north of it - [Cheers] That was the argument of the very body of meu who now compose the ruuublicau party, I could not angwer those objeetions, but I placed iny support of the measure upon the grouad tliat the Missouri compromiso had boen adopted iu 1820 as a ineans oi establishiug and preserving peace; thst the country had aequiesced in it for more than a quarter of a oentury, and that my regard md lora for the American Union and for the poace of the country induced me to stand by it and carry it out in good faith [Loud cheers.] I have already told you the reaaou wiiy it was not carried out, We tried to do it. Th national men of the country did all they could to carry it out, but the fres soilerg would not permit us. ["Q-ood."] They out-Wed us in Congroas, and thus defeated tho Missouri compromiae, and, by defeating it, precipitated thii country into one of the most foarful coiwlsions ever known since the adoption of the constitution. We are uow told by Mr. Seward, in hiï Detroit speech, that the rery maasure vvhich saved thu Union iu 1820 he and h8 friends dufeated in 1848. - [Laughter and applause.] He ought alao to have told us, if lp iutended to stat the history of the oóuutry fully aud fairly on this point, that the stms dis;istrous conequence8 ensued af ter the defeat of the Missouri line in 1848 as were healed in 1820. [Cheers.] Who, tlien, was reponsi!.le in 1848, '49, and '50 for all this sectional stife, the convuliion and the alienntiou of feeling which followed the dofuaWof the AlisHouri line? It was the free soilers of that day - the same mea who oompoie the republiou party of tiiis dy. Tlyj strife whioh followed tho defeat of the Missouri compromiso in 1848 brought tha country to the very brink of ruin. You a 1 remember that tho wisent and purest men in the wholo Union bucama alarmad for th safety of the epublic. The inmortal Cay, who was supposed to have parfonned his misuion on eurth and had retirad to tho bhados of Ashland to prepara ior another world, in his retiremunt heard tbe harsb and disoordant notet of sec tional strife and disunion, and, nrousing hitn-elf, carne back to the Benate, tbat, gruut theatre of nis graat daad, to se whether he, by his wisdom, his experience. and th ronown of his great name couid do soinething to restore pe;to and hannony to a distracted country For inány monttis ws asnumbled every day in the oouncil ohamber, with Clay in tho ohaip, and tho Union whigs and the Union demócrata minglíd proTniscui usly. mensures by whioh vto should put down nortbaro abolitionism aud southern diáunion, and thm raetore puace. ["That's so," and "liurrah for Douglas. '] The oorapronaise inoiisures of 1850 wer tho result of theso deübraiions, and they wero the joint work of the Union whiga nd Union democrats. ["(Tood,"j They wera tdopted over the joint opppsitioq of the noithern free-ioilers, handed by Sew ard, Chase, Sumner, Gjddinga, and that class of men, acïing in concert with Hunter, Mason, Da vis and otbr southern fira-oators. [Oheers.] Then aa now the northeru setiooal party coalesced with tho s.Mithern saotiooal purty, thun aw noT the northorn froesoilers- ad the outhern Cre eators acted in concert with caoh othor, although professing to have an irrepresfible conÜict between them. [Laughter and applause.] Bat the Union men 1 urnphed over them bolh, and the compromise measures oí 1850 were adoptad. They rested upon tho just principie of non-intererenoe by Oongress with the question of alavery in tbe Territorios. Great applause. and crias oí ' as tor ever. J Th us yon soe t'iat, by the adoption of those cotnprotniiia mensures, the doctrine of noa-ioterveation, which had prevailed frorn the formation of tho constitntion down to 1820, was reaffirmerl H8 the pulicy of ihe country. Frorn these facts it appears tbat ths government began on this principio in relatiou to tlio subject of ulavery ; that it coatinued tbat lino of policy up to 1820; but during that year, ucc.;rdiiig to Mr. Seward and aöcordin? to bis. i torical faots, it made a grand deviation, ! and p.dopterj the principie of ' ton in pltv:o of non-intervention. Tlns nationíil doviation, Mr. Sawnrd informa U8, did not be'.n ia 1788, when the tho ooiwtitution was adoptud, nor in the revolution of 1800, when Jefferson was cloctad, nor in tho mumorable period of 1812 but had its origin in 1820, when Congress passad the first law interforin# with the question of lavry in tho Territorieï. [Ghuei.j The renult ot that rnnd dtviatioD mi uctioua! titft ud alieiiatioD of feeliog, prodoeiog nliuost a dicruptiotí of tba Union. That strifo was continuad up to the yoar 1850, whan, by the united efforts of the Union wfaigs and Union domoorüts, under the lead of Cluy and Webster, thu ovcrnment was brougbt back ío tlio ol i track of nonintervention. [A.pplinse.] I was one of th2 supporters of thoie mensures, and I thea hopad that the question of slavery was placad on tlie baais which woulci reatora peaco. They, in effect, declared to the warld that the slavury ques tion was to be bunishe-d from the halls of Congres, and rematided to the pe.ipla of the Territorios to do just as they pieased. ["That's so," "Q-ood,1 "Eight," and applause.] Il' tlie Anitíi-ican poopla had only consantfd to have stood by that principie there would havo been peaco be twaen the North and the Soutii - peace hetwtóou tha froa States and tho slave .States Why could wa oot stuud by it f In 1852, when the whfg party as semblad at üalt'nnoro in nattOQftl con ventioo and norninated Gen. Seott ior President, they affinned the doctrina of tion-inturvention by Congres with sla.wry in tho Territoria as a funda mental artiolo in their oreod. [Cheers.] When the democratie party a.sscmbled at the same place, in tin saine year, and noininatod our candidato for the Preaidsnoy.we affirmed the same principie as the cardinal pluuk in cjr platform. [Clieera. "That's so."] Thtis you fi;id that only eight year ago every whig and ovtjry democrat in América stood pledgud, b the platform of his party, 13 oarry out in go.d faith this great principie. [Threa cheers were Eer called for thu delunder of th contitution, and enthusiastically givi_-n J y t in tho very face of these stubborn biatorical fact, Mr. Suward, in his Detroit speech, declares tbat thesyateta advocated by Clay and Webster had failed Hovv has it failed ? Has the country yet abandoned it ? [Cries of "No," "No," That systetn stands firmly on the statute books, The coiüprornwe measuras of 1850 hhve never betn repealed. ["Hurrah for Honry Clay."] They are to-duy the law i the land. [''Hurrah for Danisl Web ster."[ In 18.5Í they were re-aiEnned and extundo to all th Territorios by the Kansas-Nebraska bill. [Immense applau.se.] In that bill, and ra the very clause irhiob repoaled the oíd Missouri line, it is deelared thnt the repeul is made because the Missouri line was inconsistent with the doctrino of Dbn-intervontion by Congres with iho sub ieot of slavarv in tha State and ritones, as athmied in the compromiso tieusurea of '50. And there is tdded these words: "It beingtho true iotent and nieHiiiiigof Ibis act not to legislate slavery into any Statu or Torritory, nor to exclude it tharefrom, but to eave the people therooi perfectly free to torm and regala e their domesüo institutions in thoir own way, ubjoct on. y to the üonstttüfioo of the United Statu." [Oheers, and a voice, "Judge Douglas VOU wiU be the next resident ot the United States. -'J Thera you fiud theidentioal priaoiplt) of lho oompromisö measureg of 1850. I bulieve the Kansas and Nebra.ska bill is still in force. [Cheerrt.] Y.onr Territoria are now being governed undor it, and, henee, utider the very system dövised and estttbliahed by Clay and Webster, whiüb Mr. Seward tolls us was a failure. [Cheerp.] Wow I aek you to refleot on the sev eral positioQS taken by Mr. Seward. First, he auknowledgua that the polirv of the repbltcao nrty to-day is a departure from the prinaiples wbich prevailed from the adoption of the constitution down to 1S20. Souond, ha aoknowledges that the principie of the republican party are in adireotand duadly hostility to the principies of Olay and Webster as e.stabiished in 1850 How oan an oíd lino whig, who has any respect ar any deferenco for the name and fame of Cluy and Webster, aot with thirt party whose mission it is to bring into disrepute the last great work of those eminent stateamen ? [OneerB.] The dernoc.atic party has tood faithfnl to this principie up to thie day. The old whig party mamUined it as long as that party had a national exisiance. The deniocratio partv re-affinned tho saine principie stt Cinwnnati in 1856, and again at Charleston and Baltimora io 1860. rOheer.] All honor to tnoso ftuthlul men who stood lika héroes, represeuting Aïiohigun at Charleston and Baltimora. - [Tremtndou.8 oheering.] I ara delighted to find that you havü for your candidate foi CongretiS in this district the gallttDt and intel ectuid Lothrop, who stood thore liko ti great moral nero, defeuding the principio of nou-intervention and popular overeignty. [Trernendous oheenng.J I rujoice to 8ae by his ide my oíd travtling eompanion when 1 was working my way in the western wilds, your candidate for Oongresa in the upper district, E. II. Thomson. [Enthusiastic cheering and appluuBu.] He was at Bakimore, and stood the finnest among the finn by the anuient iuith of the party, [Cheers.J I trust that Michigan wi 1 pustain anti e'evatonuch gullant and iuithful ropre BentativHs. [0r:.e8 of ''we wil!," "Jfichigan is all right," and ohföèra J I was rernarking, when 1 went into this d:gression, that t'.iu dernocrutic party stands to-day where Uhy and Webster and Oass stood in 1850, - where evcry Union whig and Union democrat stood in 1852, - and where the deiuocrrtic party stood in 1858. And I tniRt that, como wh.it may, we wilt ceyer lower that fliig nor abandon those principies. ["That's Douglas," "Good," oheors.] This principie of iion-intorference by tho Federn! govorniiieut ith the domestio aÜ'airs of the people is the pririciple oí' tüeoonstitution. [Ghetrs.j Lot me ca!l yonr nttention to cortain historicnl faols - fací with wliioh your childroo areaequainted.and tho noai of wiiioli yon will recogaiz1 thü i moment I stato tbem to you. Wíiuü thi goverriuient was ioroitrd th TJoion ooMÍnted of tbirteen States, twelve of whjoh were slaveholdiug and one only n fraö Stata. Suppoee that when the onvention uiflbtcd whieh f .nned th constitution, tlia doatrine vvhich we :iro üow taiigbt by thy rapubliean party had prevailed. Supposa that God Washington, whl ho toolc hij saat as Pres dent of tliat oonvvnttOD liad deolarad, fvs Linooln did in hi Bprlagfijld speech, "that tLi ünieu cunnot oudura half freu and iialf slave; that thits fovernment eönnot exitft divided , iato freu and nluvo ritii'oi; that these Stat.as must all be free or "eslnve, othuruisu tho Union ruust be diseolved." fMuvcr,1' Nevr" I say, Kuppoo, if thure be not saorilege and trason in tho suppositioo, that Georgo Washington had avowecl those prittoiplcs which Mr. Lincoln now holds. ["Georgo Washington knew botter, "j Wfaat would havo boen the res 11 1 1 Ï Do yon think that tha one f'rae átato ot Matsaohusetta would havo out voted the twelvo tilaveholdin States, and thus huve aboüah d alav#ry everywhïre ? [■'Xo."] On :he co.itrí.iiy, ís it not more tban probable tfaat tbe twelve slavá holding States would have out voted the o:ia free State, and thus have fastened slavery OD every foot oí Aiiierican aoil, by a constituüonal provisión ? It is avident tliat if the doctrina now ad vocated by thu ropubliuans hd prevailed vvhen tha govarmnent. was made, the States would have been slavo States foraver, beyowd the right of the people to control the subject. All that tha frieads of free nstitutioas dosired at that day wus, that the Fsdei-al government should noí be permittöd to interi'ere with the quostion of slavsi-y, - [■'That's it."[; that non-intervention by the Federal govemment should be ttie invariable rule; and that the people should be permittöd to have slavery or not, as ttaey preierred. [Oiieers.] The coustitutioi) was made on tha prinoiple, and the govennrieut was admitiistored on that principia up to 13-0 whsn, accordinsf to i[r. Saward, the great tional deviation took placa. Lut u sea w.iíit were the praciical resulta uoder tliis constitutional system ol solf-govennncnt before the deviation. Prior to 1829, during the period th t Congresn interfered vritb slavery, it was ibulUhad ia one-half of the original slaveholding States, Pennsylvdtiia, iNew Jersey, New York, Ounntiticiit, Rbode Ialand, aod ISTew Harapshire eaoti ubolished siuvury diirinü: that puristd. I prasurae nu una will qiie.stinn tha fict that these were all originully slaveholding StstM. Oertainly no republioan will duny t:iat Nuvv York was a slavaholdiog State, sinc Mr. Saward oonftwsod tha other dav. in bis Chicago speauh, that ba was boni a lavabol der, [Laughtur and applause.] I thougnt I was prettv well acquaiiited with Mr. Soward's íiintory; but I admit that I was not awaro till that time that he was once a slavaholdar [Iïenearedlaughter.J Bilt il aeeusthut not only hi.s father, bat his grandfu her befoi'ü him, wora .lfivhi)ldnrs, othrwiso I topposa ha oould not have been boni o. [Laughtr and cheei-.J I presume thy wara th very clans of men whón) Mr. Öntnner deèignUtsd when ha cali slavcholdurs barbarians. [Great laughtar and appluufe.] I ragrot, and I think tha uouatry will regrut, that Mr. Seward, ui hU Chicago speech did not explain to us whut ha did with his alavés ["He sold tliem " 'Hrt sold them of ooursu," a:d laughtor.] I knovv thut wheo he wa quita a young man, ba moved to tho Stam oi Georgia aad liveJ thera soiikï yeurs. But I never haard that he toi)k his eláve with hitn [ Applaus and laughter.] I tuke it for grantcd that he lost thotn under the operation of tlid .Siutc liiws of New York abolishing sluvery. [Lunghter and hoera J I wish you to beur in mind that shese emanoipatiou luvvs of Now York vrai' ooi p,kis d 'oy Congress, but were th rasutt of ppu lar ovoreignty. [Otiüarü,] Far bo it frum rao t intímate that Mr 8ewaid' undying hotilit_T t popul„r overeignty arises from the fact that tht principie deprived hi:n of his ngiit of property n man. [Continued and Dproarioua laughfer. "Gítü it to liim again, ' Hit him ïigain," and othnr crias ] Bo tbat ae it may, New Y"rk ivas at that duy a slavöhulding State, and tie.vard a alaveholdsr. Slavery wa abolished i Now York, and the other flve Statei which I havo natnad, by virtueol that grat principie whioh says that the slarery question shall be banished from the hulla oí Congress. and thatthe peopie ia eauh State and e ich Territory shull decido it as they p!ou-e. [Uiieurn.J Bear in ruind that ulavory was boliflbed in all those íátuíerf baforu tho grand divergence took place. Bear in mind. lso, that slavery haa not boan aboüáiied in uriy ono 8v;ito oí' the Union nee the grand divergencia. [Ciieur.J Slavery lias not boen aboiished ín any State, nor :iny Territorj, nor on any ono foot oí Ainerioun soil, Kinoe this grand divergsace, oí which Mr. Soward speaks, was imliatnd. [Cbeerij.] Then, let m inquire, what Iuik the c:iu of íreedom güined by this divergeüoe ? ["Tíothing," '-No, nothing.'J What Iihs thu oaura of free institntiona gain d by abandoning non-intervuntiun ;ind substituting (Jongressional intervention fin tho Biibjeot oí ilarory ? ["lt has put it back flíty years."j What bless ingti have you coníerred oti the ne;4ro by this sectiortal stnfe in Congross? Have you o:!iunr,ipattíd ono lave by it ? jShouts, '-No .''] If, then this agitation ñas corjferred no benefit on the black man, what good has itdone the white man ? None. Can any oí thu röpubliuans teil mo bovr th whitj rno, or nnv portion of us, or any one mnn of us. liaTti boen benefited bv this nstn tioi) ? Oq tho contrary I can teil the republican pnrty eome of tho misohiefs they have intlieted on tha country by this strifa. This 3otionl strife ha !- ienatcd one half of this Union from the other. ["TKfgtít."] It has séparattfd father from son, mother from dmighter, and brother fro;n sister. It. kas entured our lfgii];itive bodies, and produoed discord and corrnption, It fcas'entersd Oongrcss, anrl brought oas-linll jot the fSeniUorsand Ucprasontativoa in bostile collision with the other. it has enterad tilt! house of God, and sepwated men oí' tho samo faith nronnd tho holj'corp. munioQ talilu It tías dividad thut good old c'.üirch in vvhlch I wís bom und raisfvi, and lor wiiic.h I feelso much rev. renog and nit'ection, iüto Methodist ChuAsh North, md Methodist Cinirch Soutli, tint.it the brcthren of a common faith oannot wit at thu sania tabl. [-'Too tras to mak sjok I of."'j Hrrw loog do yoti think politica] ties will lust when relig'oas enea aro ievered ? How lonf do yon th'.nk that politicians aro going to sit togather in penco in the same Sonate chainher when Chnstians cannot uit around the commutñoíi t!la in the house of God withont grumbling ? [Appluiiae.] - ■ These aro qomaoi th hSöuh of timt tfrarid diTerjjsnc from thu old poüoy oí nur fatbers so rnnch applaudej ly Mr. Seward, rhjah diTsrgenao t!io Republioan party intend to carry om. [A voice- "Cün'tdoit."] Look l'or a moment at the position of the republioan party and itsally,the secBseron party oí the South, oti the Klnvery quostion. They are &s mtteh allies io 18G0 iis thay wera when thev fought togetbqr affninst thu eamproniise moanures of 1850 Tho northero repubÜuanw, under the !ead of Mr. Lineólo, demand that Congross shall irrerfere and prohibit slavery vherevr tho peopk want it. [Laughter, una oriaa of ';Gv(j t to them."J Tbo republroaas teil ui thay do nol car about Congress interl'ering to p.ohibit slavery trbere the panpla ar-j opposed to is, for tha rwason that, wherever the people are opposed to it, thy will prohibit it themselve?. ün the other hand, the socüss-.nnists of the Suu'.h declare that t!u?y only want to hava Cougrosi interfore in beha'i of slavery when neceaaary When is it nec9sary in their estiination fur Conaress to interiara? - Not when the peopla aro in favor of slavery, for, wheraver the pcople wunt ït, thoy will protsot it tbem.selves. - f"Of course thtsy wil]."] Hnoe tho so itbern seoe-sionists only desire to have Congres3 interfera and maiutain slavery wherover tha peopla do not waut aDd will not have it. ["'(Jood," ''Hit 'em again," applause.j Thus you peroeive that tiie ropublioans of tha North, under Mr. Lineóla, and tlio Beo88onsta of tho Bouth, undei Ir. Bruckiaiidge, ajfreein principie. - Tfiey agro, first, ia the support of tha reat principie of national divei'gen-a so muuh applauded by Mr. Suward. - Thay gree, secondly, 'that it is the duty of Congress to iutorfare and control the slttvery quesiion. Thay agre, thirdly, that, whenever Congreos decide that quesiion, it must determine it ajjaiost the wishes of the ponplo inlorested in it. Aud they agree, fourthly, iu ridiculing, ddQouncsing, and repudiating tho wliole doutnne of popular soveröignty and non-iuUrvontion. Agraeing tlaus far, they differ ouly as to whioh way Congres;) nhui! oxwrois thi power. The repubücaus dewira to have Congrass exercise the powor ia all casas against the South and in favor of' the North, and the southsra fire eaters sire it to exercise tho power ulways against tba Nortb and in tavor of the Öouth. [Laughter.] m other word, they appeal to the peop!e to divide ac oordtag to a geographioal line, and rally all men north of that line against ah men south of it, and ihus producá au irreprauibki conüict betwotjn the two sectioüs of the Uniou. This con Üict isj deacribed by Mr, Seward in this same Detroit, spooch. He says tho objü.ot of the North is to prohibit slavery in all the Territorios, so thut thara shall nvar bu anothsr alavu ritste, and that the objijct ot tb Souih i to sstablish slavory in all tü Tarritories, so that thure shall nevar irea State. Hving tbui arrayed oua swotion agaii)8t tho other, Mr. Lincolu is tben to come foTwurd witl: II the powor of thu ii'edt'ral governraent and enforoe tha doüirina that tha.tu States must all bu freü or all be lave, oibsrwise this Union cunuot endure. Do oot you seo this Unioa oaonot exist undar the laad pf üither ot thesa eatioDal prties? - ['Thut'ö no."J Tiiero ia no sulvation tor th OOUDtry; thera ia no peaoa for tho pouplü, except in thu doctrine of non-i ntorfüi'ence by Congross witb the wholo ubjoct oí' sluvury. ["Amen," üüd choers.J Wo mast repudíate the doctrine of a grand divergente froiu the constitutwn, and return to thoso great principios of elf-Lfoverniriünt up00 vvhioh the constitution rests. The constitütion, aa our fathers mude it, is good enough ior me. ('-It is goud enough for us all," and choer.) Mr. Seward pretenda that it is Dot good enough for hirn. He and his republiaan aasociatea are ï'uady to obey al) the pruvisiona of tho obnstitation with two or thteo esceptioi)8. (Laughter, and a vi)ictf, "Lat iia have the exoeptioiw." - Well, I will give you the exoeptiuns, - In tho firnt plucu tho republicana tll us that their oonseienoea will not permit thorn to carry into effect that ola use of the coostitution whioh providea for t e surrender of fugilive elaves. That is one exooptiöH, I pi-fasume. (Oneer ) - Mr. Saward tells us, in one of hm late speeches, that hu is opp;9#d to tbat provisión of the oonstitiilion wbiob reo.ignizea unequal representaron in Oiingrss betwuen white mn and negro es. fCheer.) Thnt is another woeptio% Mr. Seward, in the sume speech, also informa us that he í in faTor of' e.stab isl'.ing the doctrina oí an equality of rights and universal nffr.igo in tho States. Remember that nll white men i)Hve equal ríffets and universal sufFrage now. Mr. Seward does not like t!i;it. II wanti to entabüsh oqual rights boiwtien the wliite man and tho egro, and universal atiffrage in favor of negro. (Cries of the ''It shall never be ") According to the doctrine oi the deraoeratio party, th'w gornniment was innde for white tne;, for the bimetít of wbile men, to bo adrninistered by white men and nobody elss (Ohcers.) Mr. Öoward and his füllowem think it was made by wliita mnu and negroos, tor the benefit of white mon and ne groes, to be adqpinjstöred by white men and negroos, iorver,on terms ofequaütv and universal uffrago. (öhoors.) - It is on thi-s very p int that our repnbican friends foei so avtfa tov&rd the ■ 9upreme Ojurt fr iU deoisiooa ín t!io Dred Suott case. In that oase the oourt decided that Di'ed tíoott, beir.fí a negro, dosue'.ided of Afneaa psrents, was nat a eitizen of tho United State?. (Oiies of "Kight,""üood," "Oorreet.") i."he republicana think that it 3 iinjust, i cruel, b;trbaroiia, monstrous, not to ] ovr a negro to bd a eMzen. And thfty ay, becauso we areoppoeed to making legroes citizen?, therjfure vo firo in fav.r ol inking tnoin sluves. Thiit does ; iot f;)Kivv by :.y rrwaiïs. Ou tho Srary, the denropratio party hold that hc noüi'o raae fverywliero ought to ba lerráittsd toonjoy all the pigirts, ai! tbo jriviiege, mi ;vU tho rnïiuuities tb at cfia be Bafely extended to thém witb the aafeiy of ocity. (Oíieer.) Pífrbipí, thon. yon would lilce to know what thoae rights are, and tho nature and estüit of ; thuui. (Oi'ius of ;Yes.'-) Well, l wil! teil you precise! v what j thoy are, [ 'Good.'"') And I will teil ; yon so plaiüly that ooinan will misun derstund nu. They are justsúch, ind only such, as tha people sliall preneribe in eaoh Stilte and each Toiritory. - ! (0!ieu"s.) It muy ba tjtirály safe a::d prudent to extend to the nogrous in Michigan, wbere you hnva very few, ligiitu and privileges whioh wonld be unsafe and dangerous tn glvn tlierri in South Caroüü , whure tho luvoa outnumbar the hites t-.vo to on. Tb:it buing thü eaae, you must take care ol youi' o.vn negroes, muke yotir own Idwu. stalHish your owñ nstitutions, mina your own business, and let Soutb C:roüna alone, (tihinetise apphutso ) In return, South Carolina must inske hor own laws, establiih hor üwd institutioQ, regúlate her own afiair?, take care of her own negroes, and let us alone. (Oneer ) Appiy that prinuiplü to ev.;ry othar State und every Territorv i:i this Uuioii, and there wil be paace on tlie slavery qaestion. (Crios of1 Gosd." "ThatV so." and applaus ) Ton cannot hava peaco on aüy ntner principia Yon must come back to thu ola doctrine oí non-iriterverition by 0oni(fe3, and stop this national divergenc.e, ör vuil are bound to have seutional strife in CongTjs until this Uuion ia broten up. (Ohaer?.) In bii Detroit speech, Mr Stward indicated the polioy rif this governtnent, that among otber thipga it is to enl irge 'lia territoiy, aul he o on to pomt t" Canada, 10 Novia Scotia, to N[esicj, to Cer.tral America, and, l am informad, to Ilussia, as the theatres of our future operations. Now, is Mr, Seward rea!!y serious in thid doctrine of national expansión ? Is ho in favor of sprending our consütution and Hag over th whole ot Oüatcal and South América. If hfj is, doe- he 8ij)pose anything can bu donn so long as the Nortb und the South are qgaged in thedjadly conflict on the (-iavtiry question - su long as the Nörth refuse t go for any nc.v tarritijry unless aiavory is prohibited in it, and the South wiJ not go for ai;y iniess slavury is established in it - ar. ! so lono; as it require a two-third vota of the Sonate to ratjív a treaty ? Tuke lor instar.oe, tha Menean treaty of las: winter. Tlmt was a traaty the provisons of which evury Senator BOknowl udged to ba extreinaly favorable to American :ntere-t and Americjan com morce ; but it ws rejeoted, not withstauding ir. was worth ruillions apon milüons of dolluis to Amenoan oitizens. TJpon what grOunii was it rejeotd f The republicana Wera atlraid it wculd laad to the ítaij u isition of Mesican tarrilory without the Wilinot proviso. [Laughter.J 5Ir. tíeward nust knoiv, tita mtnnot fail to brrow, that wt) never Oiiii add one footot naw torritory to thiü'TJnion ao long as tha b'avery queetion remuins ia Ci)ngres9, and one seo ti'in demanda its prohib'ttion and the othar its establishment. W liy did he not teil you so? Why tiokta your tancy with the idea thut he is in favor of ao quiring nw territóry, whenheisupholding a lina of poliuy wiiiuh he kaowa raust fo rever defeat thnt object. Why. again. ia thi 83me speeob, he gays that 'he East and tho Veat are b nh dissutisfied andar the presout state of tilinga, beoausa tbeir material interoats are not providod for. Weil, we have a right to bu diss-tiisaed 0:1 that accou:it. Uur material interest are not atteuded to. Why not ? The slavery queition stands in the way. Briug a bilí int.) OoogreM to give a ponsiun to au old suldier or a boauty laad warrant, or to graat him bis buyic pay, and tlie moment itoouiasup )a ■ rjp-.iblici:i !n tj mika a ïpeooh on ths negro question (Orioa of "ThutV so," laughter aad applause ) Imiaediataly a tire-satar from the g.iuth roplies, aud than thuy takü it turn aboat uatil the oud ot' the ïeiion. and the old soldier's bill is lot for waal of time (Langiiter and appiausj.) When your Rjprei-jntatives return hoinu aml you ask bim what beoa ,o of your bilí, lie replies that there wus no opportunity during t'uu ses3Íon to üoaniiler it, but just send liim back and he will ba oertuin to gat it through bofora tha eud of tho next Gongre. [Cheer.] Four years ago evorybody thought we wsre to hars a Puoifio Hailroad. We bad three candid.-ites for tn Prasideney Buchanan, Fillmore, andlremout,- di pWdgod to a Paoific Railroad in writing, and aoh standing upan a platform that pledged bil whoíe party to it, andyet wa have noi got it Wliy not? Whotiever a Pauifio Pailroad bill s iutroduced into eitlier house, a ropublioau mate a speech oa the nogro question ; a fire oater i pli ; nd ;hn thcy speak l!r)atsly uïitil the end of the session, and then tiio bill il lost for want of tiuj3 (Oheein.) - Your Itepreiautativo return hme, and you k hi: what booanis of the railroad bill. Why, he snys, we got it aliucwt through, bat it wa lost at the end of the Bssion for want of tiiuo. tid, if yoa wü! only re-cleot me, I will ha ure to ho it through uoxt tim. Four years lisve rollad aronnd, and no Pacifia Railroad j jat. A msjority of both houxes for it - a majority of the Senate. a niajority of j th Ilouio; the Prcsidtat for it j body for it; lost for want of tiiao.- th ; pegro oooupied all tho tina. (Ciaughter and applrttiss. ) So it il rHÍi onr i;nportant ititerests pon tha lakes. Fr , enteo yours I have boen trying to nr.ik-3 j the bost river and hi-bor inprw:mnt; I have tricd to h;iro Congross do it ; I have iried to barw it givan to the looal autboritiee; I have tried every mode. but whenevcr I broagbt op a bill, pseohw ou tho negro quest-ion fui! owed, and the rirer and liarbar bill was lost for trant of timo. (Lnnghter and npptame.) öo with tho turiff. For the last four years we havo bsen spondiug twonty millions of dollars a year over and abovoour incorae. Erery inan f sonse knowi thnt to be a corrupt and i-icious system of j nauoe tho xpaudiUMIH of w'.iich aro j greater than fcha inooms. Every ra.n j knoTrs that, under iueh oirouuistsnoe, it I isour duty to do ora of two things- j thor to reduce the expteditura down to tlsorovenus standard) or inoreaso tho rTenuo np to tho stitndard of eipoudituf. ! Tlia deiuoiJiatii? party # pligd to iff whioh will raise monöj nough to j fray tbo oxp nses ú' tho gOTornment j nomïe'ally uiMinisforsd; irad to tiir-.t exttttfarii!hprotnotlon to Awerk-sn in. (Uheew.) Atnd yt, ooh yoar, Whsij wa havo hA tariff b.i! bfro bbe tima whioh sí) lia"Fpsat ii. iV3 b-i:i Sp by the soutiiern fire-satars and tlu rpal. lioina dist'us.ng tho negro quastion, ay j the bil! h:i3 been loatfot vraat of tima. - All that wj have baan abl-d to do ha bajn to put in uu amandinent iato a mis oolianaous appropriation bill, borrowing tweiity millioa of dolliri inore momy ta keep rhe whoels of goernii8ut in motiou uiitil 0 Jiigress O-iri ngafn como Uithef id discuss tbe nagr.j queatiou. (Applausu.) So witli the liomastead bill ["Giotl;" "That's it.:') It is novr abmt iwveutean yoars sinos I first iatroduotd tb bo.utstüad bill intD the liouso of Rapreantst'.rei. (Loud oliesr..) I havu reuewed that lüaaure froui timo ta time, first iu tha H )iisa of Rdprenntativts aud thea iu the Sen.ito. down t this d iy, alw.179 supporting it and novar VJtins; agiiust it. (Rauewed uud aathusuutio ohears.) I havu iu:kJu moro speaahes, nd iutroduoeü mora measuras, aod duo mora labor', t. p-.iss 1 ho.ue.-;tüad bill thiu uil tha rapubliwu leadora in the cuintry. (ïrenundoiu uppiause.) W wuald liav sueceeded loa g in getting n jiood humestcad bill throuli, aud having it tho laT of tha land. f the aegro (juj.st.iua lild QOt StOjd ill t:lj ff ("It'í !t.T:iyí in tho way.") Tiiu f.ict i. on tb! subject of tiie publio Jauda I have feit dauply. Whüa par land system is id.iiir.ibla 111 most r sneots, tii.it portion of it whioh aSttrt tho lauda at pubiio auotion fur jioculatara U buy, iu my opiaioo u ab si iablo. l'-öood," "IJttt'l so.1') l have ropeatüdiy eaid ia thu Sdnate tliat i f, I a j'uid !i;i7 my wuy, thura should nuver ba unotlier land Siila on the Ameriuiiti amtinnt ("Theru ncver ought to bo ") I woulil apply tlia provisión of the preioptMn law and tbe boiuuateud bill 1 1 uil our l'.ü'ii, and no m.iu aliould ever tale aa aero ot them except for actual acttUment and ouitivatio:i. ("lirivj,'1 "(j-jjd ") That bas beeu iiy pulicy for years, and, bat fjr the negro Matton, -a would have carriad it through. So it is with cvery meiwara afllicting tn piMsperty and material interest of our country. Yon oaniiQt get 0ü6 passjd until yo:i drira out oi Coiigross tbi m-gi-j quettion, ((:Away witb it,' and applaui-.) TLa düiuocratio party desires to aai the negro (mistión out of Oongrogg, in order . Uwt vhitq men can bavu a LIttlu tixo f jr tiieir business (Ciiuers.) 'fbo repubiiaa.is tull yuu, if you wiü o:;!y put lifUa in powsr, thay will do all these thiugs. (Laaghter.) Thyy are going to do thuse tLiugs, and yet they aru going to keop thj negro question foruvor iu Cngresi. I teil voa that, so long üs that elciting quistio"u ia kept tliero, it will absurb all oiheri. It diverts public attentiou froin the finauoial interes's, State aud National, aud mnkes eleotions turn solfily on tbe negro quag tion, instsad upon othen Fustiug th material interest i:i whioh we all have acy ïnuch at gtake. Why, tlion, my friendi, axn wo aotre turn to tbs doctrina of tho oonatitution; to the doctrine whieli prevailad tor tli firat t'iirry years under it, before tlio naiional divergoüce took plaos, and alloïf t,!iB pïople to daoide tho aiavery qisstion for theuiselvea My friends I hall d-'tain you no langer. (' Go on," ' Öo on.") There are ki raany good spaakers her rs.idy to addres you :;s jou can üsten to froui now till daylirht. (' (jo on, we waut to bear you '') My dear sir, I havo doDe more talking alraady than is couïistent with any man' strength of vnioo or eonstitntion (' Success to you'], ualesa it b irue aa ray friend Edgsrtuii said the otber day, that I have the constitution of tho United States. (Treraondous upvlauso.) One word in conclusión. Tlii is 0:1e of the monster meetings of tho season. I .-tin nat certaui t!iat I have addresiid largcr one anywhero. I have nevar sson botter order prevail, and if thcre are any republicana mixed iu thia crowd, ns I pr ■Atna thera are, thuy are entitled to my tiianka fisr tbeiraood behavior (''G-ood," aud chaers.) While I would not petmit any cousidaration on oarth to prjveut ia frora bo'dly expreing my opiaioiM without equivoaatiou. I trast th.it, in oipreing uysülf, I hav8 do:ie so in such a maner as to give no jast cause of oïance or wouud anj oue's seriíibilitita. I thaak you for jour attetion.