The Inaugural Of Lincoln

The Fourth of Mftrcli Las passod, I peHcefulIy paia-;d, pas.sed witheal any aign of distutbanoe, or attempt nt assassiUHticn, and Abraham Lincoln' baa been in duo forra inaugurated Srxteonth President of tho United States. The usual iuauguration ceremonies took rluce on Monday, from tho east front of the Capítol. Tho Inaugural Áddrcsa was delivcrod to au iiiiiuanso concoursc of pcoplo at about the hour of one o'clock, P. M.; and, imnicdiately lbllowing, the oath of ofike was ftdminiatcred to Mr. Liscoln by the veuerablo Chief Justice Taney. In this issue wo give place to the Inaugural Addrcs? of President Lincoln, and to somueh of the details of the ceremonies of the day as our spaco will warrant. We hare read the Inaugural, read it carefully, and re-read it ; and before this most ofour readers have probably also read it, and formed their own conolusions. We can not say that it is in all things what we visbed it niight be; and yet wo are rot disappoiuted in its position or tone. It discusses at lcngth the present unfortunato coraplication of affuirs, and doubtless foreshadows the polioy of the new Adtuiiiistration. The Prcsidont protests against any desire or deuign to ititerfero with the rights of nny of the States as guaranteod by theConstitution; ho recognizos the cunstitntional existonce of gliwery in the Southern States, and proolaims both au iuolination and an obligation to give up fugitivo slaves, and the constitutionality of the fugitivo slavc law; and he favors an amendment of tho Conetitution prohibiting Congress forever frora disturbing the "peculiar institution" wherever it exists by State law. - Upon theso points, we apprehend that tho only dissenting voices will bo thoso of the radioal Republicans and old school Abolitionists, the men who peraist in maintaining upon our statute books lawg Liillifying tho fugitivo slavo law, be they known as personal liberty laws or by what othor name. On the other hand, he is silent as to tho Territorial question, and espressos no desire for a coraproaiise upon that conflic tiiig and disturbing nuestion, leaving tho futuro to develop bis policy. And this, with niany, we regret. He denies the right of secession, considers the Union yet unbroken- at least legally ; - and avows it his duty to enforco tho laws in all the State aliko ; to protect the goverurneut property wherever it is, and collect the revenucs; at the same timo disavowing an intention to send strangers to administer offices in loealities where citizens can not ba found to accept and hold them, or to stop tho mails on routes whero they are not disturbed. And no mau, about to tako a solemn oath "lo preserve, protect, and defend the Consti tutiou of the United States" could have said less. Tho osth would havo said it for him had the Inaugural been silent. - And, we can Dot, for the life of us, find in these deolarations] a proolamation of foroe or of civil war; a reason for ony wideniug of the breach, any dissatisfaction on the part of the loyal border States, any cause of alarm; and wo think that our cotemporarics who predict this should await soracthing besides the declarations of the Inaugural or action based thereon. Presidont Bdchanan said the same tkinir to the South Carolina missioners, said the same tbing in his special messago, said the same thing time and again, publicly and privatcly, and the border States took no alarm. And we think tho real Union raen in those States will find no fault with this position of the message; while those deterrained ou secession and disunion, determined on inviting or aecepting no comproinise, would have found fault with it even had he accepted the Peaco Convention propositious or declared in favor of protection to slavcry in' the Territorios. The address is silent upou constitut ionai auiendmcnts, other than the one alluded to above, and sceras to adviso against Congress proposing any amendments for the aeceptaucc of the States. This is to be regretted. A Peace Congress composed in the main of eminent and Union loving nien, has adopted what it conceived a plan of adjustment, aud it could have done not the least harm to advise the submission of that plan to the Sutes. If adopted a bono of contention woukl havo been scttled, and if rejeeted we should havo been as wo are now, with this exception - time would havebeen giveufor reflection, and timo and reflection is every thing in a crisis like this Tho Inaugural, however, without recommonding seems to look to a National Conventíoi;, and whenever Congress convenes gueh wíil probably be his recommendation. Tho Inaugural appejsto all Union loving raen North and South to stand by tho Union, and wo hopo, nincerely hopo,; that this appcal wiíl meet a proper response. Let Mr. Lincoln bo tried, let his acts speak for bim, and so long as ho keepg within the line of his constitutioiial duty let bim receive the support of Northern States, Border States, and Southern States. We opposed his election, wc rcgrettod and rogret his election, but he is the President of the United States, and as an huinble individual, citizen wo pro pose to sustain his official acts so far as all square with the Constitution, and fiuch is the duty of every good citizen. - It will be time euough for us to condemn when he may sink the President in tho partisan, and show that ho estecms'the Chicago platform above the Constitution. We are no Kcpubliuan and canuot be expected to endorse ec?ery act of Mr. Licol.v ai-.d his Adwinistration, but we bid him God-spced andiija Adininistratiou success in all constitutioiial ineasures, and in' the preservation end perpotuatioc of the Pnten.