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The President's Message

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Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized hy the constitution, j'our attention is not called to any ordinary subject of legislation. At the heginning of the present Presidential term, four months Bgo, the iunctions of the Federal government were found to be generally suspended within tha several States oí South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting thoso only of ,he Postoffiee Department. - Within thoso Statss all the tbrts, arsenals, douk-yards, custom-houses, &c, including all the movable and stationary property in and ahout them, had been seized "and held n open hostility to this government, excepting only Fort Pickens, Taylor, Jeflerson, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sutnpter in Chaileston harbor. The Forts thus seized had been putin improved condition ; new ones had been built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all avovvedly for the same hostile purposes. The forts reremaining in the Federal possession in and noar those States were besieged or tnenaced by warlike preparations, especially Fort Sumpter, whieh was nearly surrounded by well protected hostilo batteries, with guns equal in equalily to the best of its own, and outnumbering tho latter, as perhaps ten to one. - A disproportionate share of Ihe Federal mufikets and rifles had somehow tound thuir way into these States, and had been seized to be used against the government. Accurnulations of the public revenue lying within thern had boen seized for the sanie object. Tho navy was scattered in distantseas, leaving but a very small part within the immediate reaoh of the government; officers of the Federal army had resigned in great numbers, and of those rosigned a great portion had taken p arms against the government. Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordanco with this purpose an ordinanco had been adopted in each of those States declaring the States respectively to be separated frorn the national Union. - 'ihe formula for instituting a combioed government for these States had been promulgated, and this illegal organization, in the character of the Confedérate States, was already invoking recognition, aid and intervention from foreign powers. Finding this condition of things, and believing it ta be an imperativo duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, if pofesible, the consummation of such an attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice oí means to that end becarne incÏÏKpensablo. This choice was made and decided in the inaugural address. The policy choson looked to tho exhaustion of all peaceable measures belore a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrested from the government, and to collect the revenue, relying ior tho rest on time, freo discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised tho continuance of the mails at the government expense, to the very people who were resisting the government, and gave repeatod pledges agrinst'any disturbance to any of the people or any of their rights. Of all that which a President might constitutionnlly and justifiably do in such a case, everything was forborne, without which itwas believed possible to keep the government on foot. On the 5th of March, tho present incumbent's first lull day in office, a letter from Major Andersjn,'comrnanding at Fort Surnpter, written on the 28th of February, and received at the War Department on tho 4th oí March, was by that Department placed in his hands. This letter expressed the professional opinión of the writer that reinforcements could not be thrown into tho fort in time ior his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding posseesion of the same with a forcé oí íess than '20,000 woll disciplined mon. This opinión was concurred in by all the offi,cor of his command, and their memoranda on the subject were made inclosures of Major Anderson's letter. Tho wholo was immediatoly laid bïforo Lieut. Gen. Scott, who at orce concurred with Maj. Anderson in his opinión. On reflection, he took full timo in consulling with other officers, both of the army and navy, and at the end of four days came reluctantly but deoidedly to the samo conclusión as beíore. Ho also stated at the same time that no such sufficient forcé was' then at tho control of the government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions oí' the fort would be exhausted. ín a purely military pointof view, this reduced tho duty oí the admimslration to the mero matter of getling the garrison safely out oí the fort. It was belieyed, howover, that to so abandon that position, wpuld, under the circumstances, be uttorly ruinoug; that the ne.cesstty undor which ;t was to be done would not bo fully understood ; that b.y inany it would be construed as a part of a voluntaryjpolicy; at home it would discourage tLe friends of the Union, embolden its adversarios, and go mr to inauro tho latter a recognition abroad; that in iact, it would b,e our national destruction consummated, This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be, Fort Pickens miglitbe reiniorced. This Jast would bo a cloar indicatiou of pol'cy, and would bettor enablo tho country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumpter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for tho landing of the troopeifom the stoamship Iïrooklyn into Fort Pickens. This ordev could not go' by land, but must take the longer and Blower route by sea. The firet cejnrn newa from the order was rocoived jiisi cyie week proviousto tho fall of Sumpter. The uews itself was, that the officer commanding tho Sabine, to which voesel Ihe troops liud beon transterred from tho Brooklyn, aciing upon somo quash armistico of the late administration, and of tho existonco of which tho present adriiiiiistration, up to the timo the oidor waf dispatched had only too vague and uncertain rumora to fix attention - had refubed to land the troops. To now reinforce Fort Pickehs beforë a crisis should arrive at Fort Sumpter was mpossible, rendered so by the more exhaustion of provisions in the latter named lort. In preeaution againstsuch a conjunción, tho government had a lew days before commenced preparing an expedition as well adapted as might bo to relieve Fort Sumptor, whieh expedition was iritended tobe ultimately used or not, aecording to eircumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented, and it was resolved to send it forward as it had been intended. In this contingency it was resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he inight expeet that an attempt would be made to provisión the fort, and that, il the atteinpt, should not be resisted. there would be no attempt to throw in men, arms, or immunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notiot was accordingly given, wbereupon the lurt was attacked and bombarded to its faV., without even awaiting tho arrival of tho privisioning expedition. It is thus seen thai .hc assault and reduction oí Fort SiuspWr was, in no sonso, a matter of seli-defenco on the part of tha assailants ; they well bnew that Üie garrison in the fort could, by no possibility, commit aggression upon them ; they know, thoy were expressly notified, that tho giving of bread to the few bravo and hungry men of tho garrison was all that would on that occasion be attempted, unless therr.selves, by resisting so much, should provoke more ; they knew that this governme;it desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but merely to maintain visible possession and thus to preserve the Union Irom actual and immediate dissolution, trusting, as h,ereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and tho ballot-box, for final adjustment, and they assailed and reduced the fort for prccisely the reverse object, to drive out the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediute dissolution. That this was their object tho Executive well uuderstood, having said to them in the inaugural address, "yon can have no conflict without being yourselves the agressors," he took pains not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so íar from ingenious sophistry that the world should not misundorstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumpter, and the surroundingcircumetances, that point was roached. - Then and there, by tho assailants of tho government, began the conflict, without a gun in sight, or expectancy to return their firing, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to give that protectiuu in whatever was loyal, In this act, discarding all olse, thoy have forced upon the country the distinct issue of im mediata dissolution, or blood ; and this issue embraces more than the fute oí these United States ; it presenta to the whole fajjiily of man tho question whether a conatitutional republic or democrucy is a government of the people; whether the same people can or cannot maintaio its own territorial integrity against its own dornestic ibes ; it presents the question whether disoontented persons tó iew in in number too control the administration according to the organic laws in any case, can always upon the pretencos made in this case, or any other preten ces, or arbitrarily without any pretence, break up their government, and thus practically put an end, to free govern ment upon the earth. It iorces us to ask, is there in all república this inherent weakness ? Must a government of necessity be too strong for the liberties of its people, or too weak to maintain its own existence? So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to cali out the war power oí tho government, and to resist the force employed íor ts destruction by a force for its preservatiou. The cali was made, and the response oí the country was most gratifying, surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most uanguine expectations. Yot none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, have oöered a regiment through the regular State organization. A fow regiments have been organized within some other of those States by individual enterprise, and received into the government service. Of course, the secedod States, so called, and to vyhich. Texas was joined about tho time of the inauguratioh, gave no troops to the cause of tho Union. The border States, so-callod, wjro not uniform in their action, somo pi tbem being aimost íor the Union, vvhile in others, as in Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas, the Union sentiment was noarly repressed and eilent. The course taken in Virginia was the most reinarkable, perhaps tho most important. A conveution elected by the ncople of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal Uniou, was in session at the capital of Virginia, when Fort Sumptor feil. To this body the peoplo had chosen a largo majority of professtid Uuion men. Aimost immediately after the fall of Sumpter, members of that majority went over to tho original minority, and with them adopted au ordiuance for withdrawiug the State from this Uuion. Whether this cliauge M'as wrought by thoir groat approval of the assault ou Sumptor or their great resentment at the government's resistance to that assault, is rjot detinitely kuowu. Although they submitted tho ordinance for ratiüuatiou to a vote of the people, to botaken ou a day th.en someYhat more than a month distaut, the couvention and Legislature, which was also in session at the same time and placo, with leading men of the State not members of eithcr, immcdiately commouccd acting as ii the State was already out of tho Uuion. - They pushed military preparations vigorously forward all over the State; thoy soized the United States armory at Harper's Ferry aiul the navy-yard at Gosport, near Norfolk; they received, perhaps invited, into their State largo bodies of troops with their warlike appointments, from the so-called seceded Statss, thoy formally entored iuto a ! troaty of allianco with tho so-ealled fedérate States, aud sent members to ! their Congrcss at Montgoruery ; aud, fimlly, thoy permitted the insuiTuotionary governmeüt to be transferrod to their capital at Kiclimond. The people of' Virginia havo thus allowcd this giant ! surrection to makc its nest within its borders, and this gorcrumeut bas uo choieu I y ft but to deal with it vihero it fiiids it ; and it huns the Icïs to regret as the loyJ j citizons have in duo i'orm clairaed it protection. Thoso loyal citizens the government is bound to recognize and protcct as being in Virginia. In the border States, socalled, in fact, the Middlo States, there are thoso who favor a policy which they called armed neutrality, that is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forcea passing one way, or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would bo disunion completed ; figuratively speaking, it would be the building of au impassable wall along the line of separation, and yet not quite an impassable one, for under the guiso of neutrality it would tie the hands of the Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrcctionist3, whieh it could not do as an open enemy ; at a stroke it would take all the trouble off the hands of secession, exeept, only, what proceeds from the external blockado. It would do for the disunionists that which of all things they most desire - feed them well and give them disunion without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidolity to the constitution, no obligation to maintain the Union, while very many who have tavored it are doubtlbss loyal citizens. Tt is nevertheless very injurious in effect ?■ J Kocerj-jng to the action of the governmont, h, may be statcd that, at tirst, a cali was rna-io for 75,000 militin, and rapidly following this a proelamation was issued lor closing the ports of the nsurrectionary districts w proeeedings in the nature of a bloeiende. gt, far all was supposed to be stricily letl. At thispointthe iusurrectionistscommeii-ed their purpose of entering upon the prac tico oí privateering. Other calis were made lor volunteers to serve three years, unless sooner discharged, and also large additions to the regular army and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon what appeared to be a popular do mand lor a public necessity, trusting, then as noiv, that Gongress would readily ratily them. Itis bulieved that nothing has been done beyond the constitutiooal competency of Congross. Soon after the first oall for militia, it was considered a duty to authorizo the commanding General, in proper cases, according to his discretion, to suspend the privilege of the habías corpus, or in other worda, to arrest and detain, without resort to ordinary proeesses and forms of law, sueh individuáis as he might deern dangerous to the public safety. The authority has purposly been exorcised but very sparingly ; nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done uuder it are questioned, and the attention of the country has been called to the propasition that o,ne who is sivorn to, tale care that the laws be faithfully executed, should not himself viólate them. Of course some consideration was given to the questions oí power and propriety. Bofore this matter was acted upon, the vvhole of the laws whioh were required to be faithfully executed were being resisted, and failing of execution in nearly ocethiid oí the States, Must they be allowed to final ly oj exeoutioB, even had it been perfectly clear that the use of the means Qecessary to their execution, some single iaw made in such ostreme tenderness of the citizon's liberty that practically it relieves more of the guilty than the innocent, ehould, to a very limited extent. be violated? To state the question more directly, are all the laws but one to go unexeeuted, and the governroent itself go to pieces lest that one be violated ? Even ia sneb, a case, would not the official oath be broken, if the government shoukl bo overthrown when it was beüeved that disregarding the single law would tend to preserve it ? But it was not believed that this quostion waa presented. It was not believed that any law was violated, nor the provisión of the constitution that the privilega ot the writ of haheas corpus shaJJ not be suspended except in cases of rebelliou or invasión, when the public safety does require it. It was deeided that we have a case ol rebellion, and the public safety does require the qualified Suspension of the vvrit which was authorized to be made Now, it is iasisted that Congress, and not the Executive, is vestod with this power; but the constitution itself is silent as to which or who is to exercise the power, and as the provisión was plain ly made for a dangorons emergoncy, it cannot be byliovfed that tha framors of the instrument ;ntenc'ed that ir, every case the danger should rua its course until ÖOhgress sliould be called together, the very assembling of which might be preventod, as was intended in this case by the rebellion. No more extended argument is now aflorded, as an opinión of some length will probably be presented by the Attorney (Jreneral. Whether there shall be any legislation on the subject, aud if so, what, is submitted entirely to the better juclgment of Congress. The forbearance of this government has been so extraordinary, bo long continued as to lead some forpign nations to shapo their action as if they supposed. the early destruction of our national Union was probable. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and righta of the United States are now pructically respected by foreign powers, and a general sympathy with the government is manifested throuehout the world. The repórts of the Secretarios of. the Treasury, War and Navy will give the information in detail' deemed necessary and conveniont. for your action, while the Executive department will stand ready to supply omissions or to communicate new tucts con8derod important for you to know. It Í3 now recon)mended that you give the' legal mea&5 for making this contest a short and decisivo ano ; that you place at the control of government, for the work at least 400,000 rnen and $400,000,000. That nuinber of men is about ene tenth of those of proper ages within the regions svhere anparently aü are williug to engago, and'thesurn, is loss than a twenty-third part of te money value owned by the men who seem read to devote their whole. A debt of $600,000ja0.0 now is a ls,ss sum per head than was the d,ebt of our llevolution when we catne out af $ha,t af-rugglo, and the money valuo in the country bears even a greater porportion. Siiiü ly each man hae as strong a motivo now to preserve, our liberties as each had then to establish them. A right rosult at this time will be worth morel to the world than ten times the Énen ' I and ten times the money, The evirlence reaching from the country leaves ! no doubt that the material for the wnrk ia abundant, and thut it needa only the j hand of legislation to give it aanction, ' and tho hand of the Execuüve to give ' it practical shape and efficiency. One ■ of the greatest perplexities of the I ernment is to avoid receiving troops faster than itcan provide íorthem. ín a word, the peoplo will save their j ernment, if the government do ita part only indifferently wel!. It might seem at first thought to be - of little difference whothor the present movement at the South be callod j cession or rebcllion. Tho moverá however, well understand the j enco. 'fhey knew at the beginning that they could never raise tlieir j son to any respectable magnitude by any name which implies a viülation of law. They knew their people possennessed as much devotedness to law and order as much pride and reverence for the hmtory and government of their common country, as any olher civilizad and patriotie peop'e. They knew they could make no ndvancement directly in the tceth of these strong and noble sentirnents they accordinly cornmencpd by an insidious debauchiug of the public mind. They invented an ingenieus sophism which, if conceded, was followed by períectly logica! steps throtigh all the incident ot the complete destruction of the Union. The sophism, itself, is that any Staío of the Union mny, consistently with the nation's constitution, and therefore lawfully and pcacefuUy, withdraw from theiiuíon, without the consent cf the Union, or of any other State. A little disguise that t'1 supposcd right is to be exercwed only L,,] a jllst cause, themselves to bo be tha -[ jndges ol tho justice, is too tlm, to mtiit any notico. - With rebellion u,,,8 sugar-coated they have boen the mindsof their section for more than i'üjrty vears until, at lenglh, they have VÓught'many' good rnen to a vilt"mgnesbto take up arma against the government he dav after some assemblage of men hav.or. acted the farcical senteneo of takins their State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day beíore. This sophism derives much, perhapa the whole, oí its curreney from the assumptinn that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to eaoii State ol our Federal Union. Our States have neither more nor leas power than that reserved to them in the Union by the constitution, no one oí them ever having been a Stute out pf the Union, The original ones passed into the Union, even before they cast off their British colonial dependence, and the new ones carne into tho Uuion directly írom a condition of dependence, excepting Texas, and ove'i Texas, in its temporary indupendenoe, was never designated as a State ; the new ones, only, were designated as States on coming into the Union, whilo tho name was only first adopted for the old ones, in and by the Declarution of Independence. - Therein the United Golonies were declared free and independent States; but even then the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one an other, of tbe Union, but directly the contrary, as thoir mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the time, and afterwards, abundantly show. Tho expresa plighting of fui t ii by each and all of the original thirteen States in the articles of coufoderation two years latdr, that the Union shall beperpe md. is rnost conclusivo, havuig never Úeen, States eitlier in substanee or name outside the Union. Whecce this. rnngieal o,mnpotecca of States' rights asserting a claim of power to lawíully deatroy the Union Uself ! Much is said about the sovereignty of the States, but the word, even, is not in the national constitution, toiyisis believed, in any of the State constitutions. What is a sovereignty ? With a ticular senso of the term, would ït be far wrong to declare it a [.olitical oommnnity without a politica! superior ? Tested by this, no one of our States, except Texas, was a suverciuty, and even Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union, by which act ehe acknowledged the constitution of the United States, and laws and treaties of the United States made in pursuance ol tho constitution, to be for her supreme l-.iw. Tho States havo en ei r status in the Union, and they have no,?v status,, if they break írom thia, they only do so against law, by j revolution. The Uuion, and not tbemselves soparately, procured their independence and their liberty by conquest or purchase. The Union gave eaoh of them whatever of indopeudenco and liberty it has. The Union is older thau any of the States, and, in fact, it created them as States originally. Some dependent Colonice made the Union, and, in ro turn, the Union threw off thoir o)d dpendence for them and made the States sacli a.s they aje. Not oue of them ever had a, State constitution independent of the Union. Of courso, it is not forgot ten that all the new Statos l'ormed their coDstitutions before he eutered the Union, neverthelesa dependent on, and prepuratory to coming into the Uuio.n. Unquestionably the States have the powers'and rights reserved to them by the uational constitution, but among these snrely are not includcd all coneeivable powers, however mischievous or destructive, but at most such ouly as were known to the world as governmeutal powors. and certainly a power to destroy the goyc.rnn.ent itsolf had uever been knowh as a governmental, or as a. merely adiuiuistrative p.ó,wev, This relative matter of national power and States' rights as a principie is no other thau a principie of generality and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should bo contiucd to the whole general government, while whatever conoerns the State should be left exclusively to the Statu. This is all thore is of the qrigipal principie about it. Whether the national coiivention, in defining the bouudarics between the two, has applied to the principio with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned. We aro all boimd tö that detinition without queation. - Vhat is now combatted is tue positioü' that secessiou is consistent with the constitution, and is lawlul and peaueful. It is uot contèiided that theru is iny espress lavv for it, and uothing sliould ever be implied as law which leads tu unjust and absurd consequouees. The nation purchascd with nionuy, the ooutltries out of whicU Bcvcral of these States were formed. Is it justice that thuv ïfrewld go off without leave or without rcfunding ? The nation païd very Urga sums, in the aggregnte, -Jbelieve, neorly 1OO,OW,OÖ0. a íellste Florida from the aboriginal tribes. I i,S juat that h should now go off wilkO(. gnseiit, or without any return? ïli fiatiuo,iipi..iw in debt for money ïipplied fof tiia. benfit of those so-called seceding States iü coais, mon with the rest. Ts it just either thsS creditors shall go unpaid, or tlio rctnaiiiing States pay the whole ? A part of t.h present national debt was eontracted to pay tho old debt of Texas. Is it just thut sho shall leave and pay no part of this herself? Again, if one State mny seeede, so may anothor, and when 11 shall have seceded, none is left to pay tb debts. Is this quite just to creditors f Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed the money ? If we now recognize tbis doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is diffioult to seo what we ean do. Other inay ehoose to go or to extort terms upou which they will promisd to remain. The seceders insist that our constitation admits of secession. They have agsumed to niake a national constitution of their own, in which of necessity they have either diwearded. or retained tho right of seeession, as,, thy insist it exista in ours; if they have qtiscaidedih tiwy t.hcreby admit that on principie it ougbt not to eX'ft ia ours ; if they hare rotained it by their own construetion of ours, that shows that, to be consistent, they must secede from one another whon they shall find it the easiest way of cttliug their debts oreffecting another sotfish or unjuat object. The principie itself is one of disintegration and on which no governraent ean possibly endure. If all the States save one should eflect tho power to drive that oue out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of tho seeeded politicians would at one deny the power, and denounce the act a the groatcst outragc upou State right. But suppose that precisely tho same act, instead of being called driving out, sho'd be called the seceding of the others frotu that one, it would be cxactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, to make tbc point, that tho one' because it is a iniuority, may rightfully do that which the others, bccausc they are th't majority, may rightfully do. TUesapoU tioians are profound in the rights. of ijr. noritics. They are not partial t h power which made the constitutkm, anti speaks from the prcamble calüng itaelf - " wc the pcople." It may be well qnestioned whethcr there is to day a mnjority of tho legally qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in fivor of disuuion. Thcre is much reatton to believe that the Union men are ia tho majority in raany, if not in all, of tha seeeded States. The eontrary bas not been demonstrated in ny one of them. It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tcnnessee, for the result of an election m military camp where the bayoneta are all on ono sido of ihe quostion voted upon, can scareely be con&idered as deiuonstrating popular sentiment At Buch an election all that large clasg viho are at once for the Union and against cwreion, would ba coerced against the Union. It Oi,-.y bo afñraed, without extravaganeb that the free institutions which we enjoy have developed the powers and improved the cond,iti.ou. of. o.ur who.le ,eoe b.ejond, any cxaroplo in tho world. Of this w now have a striking and impressive illustration. So largo an army as the government has now on foot was never bcforo known without a soldier in it wlio kas taken bis place there of his owa freo choico. But more than this, thero are many single regiments whoso raembers, one and another, possess full practreal knowledge of all the arta and sciences, professions, and whatever else, usoful or elegant, is known to the wholu world, and there is scareely one from which there could uot be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, aud, perhaps, a Court, abundantly competent to admiuister the government. Ñor d_o I say this is not truc, also, in the army of our late frieuds, now adversarles in tilia contcst; but it is so much the botter reaspn why the government which ha oánjfctcl íi:icl 'b,ejie.tits on both them and us shou.ld not be bjaken up. Whoever, ia any section, proposos to abandon such a government, would do well to consider in deference to what principie it is that he does it, whether the substituto wilj give, or be iuteuded. to give so much good to the people. - There is somo foreshadowing on the svibjoct. Our adversarios have adopted some deelarations of iüdependcnce, in which, unüke the good old one ponned by Jelferson, they omitthe words " aro creatod equal." Why, they have adopted a tompirary national consti tupian, in iio proamble of vh,ic,b„ u,nlike o,u,r. gopp. od one signed by Washington, tlioy omit " Wc the people," and substituto " We tho deputies of the sovereign and iudopendent States." Why this delibérate pressing out of view the rights of raeu and thé autltority of the peopl') ? Tbis is csscntially a people'a eoutest o.r the side of the Ijñion. It is a struggío for nnüntaiuing iu the world that form and substance of government whoso leading object is to elévate the condition of men, to lift artificial woights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of laudablo pursuits to all, to affjrd all an uufattered start and fair chance in the race of lifo, yiclding to partial and temporary dparture from necessity. This is the object of tho governmeut fo, l,oe cxisteuce we contend: Í ahi most happy to Vj3lieve that the plaiu people understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that, while in this the governniont's hour of trial, larg_e numberd of those in the army and navywho have been favored with the offices, havo resigned and pro.ved false to the, hand that pampered them, not one, CPV,. mon soldier ar. ooinmon sailor is knaw-n to have deserted bis flag. Great honor is duo to those officers who reuiained true despita the example of their treacheroui associates But the greatest honor and most emphatic fact of all is the unanimous fninuess of the comraon soldiers and common sailors, To the last ma. ' so mr as known, they, sneeessfully rcsisted tlio traitorous efforts of those whose commandg within an hour before tho-' obeyed as absolute laW". This is a patriotio instinct of plain men; they understand without an argument that tho dcstroying of the goverument which was made by Washington, means no good for th,eia. . , Oiir popular govern,rn,cnt has oftn been called an experiment. Twft ófota in it our people have settled: The suc-( cessful establishing and the suecessful ( ministcring of it. One still remajns, Us , suecessful maintenance agaiust, t,h ,opmidable iutejji a,HüL tc, overthrow üi, . H is now "for them to demónstrate to the wQrld that those who qan fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion, ' that ballots are the rightful and penoeful sco.essors of b.ullets, and that when Lallots are fairly aud cided, thore can suocessful ppoal back to bullets ; that there: cap, be no suecessful apppal exeopt haok to ballot themselves at a suoiA-faing cleotion- . Such will be a great lesson of peaoe, teaobiüg muu that what tbj canuot iaX') liv in i-li.-tiüi witkher can thcy take by n wnr. teaclllllg all lbo folly of being the bcgnnnTs ut a v:;r. Let thore bc scune UDeaii)OM i;i the iit : :nss of epnrlid moa ;::; to vh:it ij to lic tlio euurse oí' the govcriüiicut lowardd tiie souibern States nitex tho vebellton hall liavo been stippvoïaed, the Kxeeutive lire nis it proper tu my it shnll bc hia purposi? the-, a óver, to bè guideil !y the cotitifuliin at:d the afx, nd that he probably will huía io clillerent ui. ; ilei-standuu: of tlic powèra mul duiy of the Kriicr-il !.-r. cnüuciit relativo to the vichis of States and the pooplo untier tbc constitutiui), tlinu tliat expraeaéd in tbo inausruüil address Ui; desires to ' jirosorvfl tlni guvcrniueAtj tbttt it uiay bu Í adniinistcrod tbr all, as it Wes Ui'cl by the meu who made it. Lojal citizen evcivwhere luwe the riglit to claim th's of thoir owii cnvorument. - The gevrrnmont l:is Ho riglit to withh ld nogli-ct it and it, is not percetved m giying it that tbeie is ai. y ooeroiou, any eonqueBt ov :uiy subju.jatiün in auy just letm of thoso terms. Tho coustitutiou providcJ, and all the S'atcs aceepted ifs provisión, th;it the United Staten símil guaranteo to cvery 8t;Ue in tiiis Union a . república;! ionn of govenimen, but i f a State roay lawfsilly go out of tho Uiiio:i, havini: dono so, it may a!so diseard the ferm of jrovcrnnicnt, so thal to ÏÉegeÜig uut is .ui mcans of dbtaining the euarautee uicnttoncd, aud when an end is lav.fully aud obligatoril)', the iiKlispc:isib!u ïücans to it are als.) lawful and i'bligatory. It as with the deepi-st reu'ret tliat the Executive assuuied the duty ot' cniploying tiie war power in defence of the goveniment forced u;)on him. He could but peri'onu this duty or surrendcr the existeuce of the governniciit; nO'oompromiM by public servants could in tliis casa be a cure, not that compromiso:! are not ofteu proper, but that no p ipuloj goverument can KDg survivo a niarked precedent, that tbosc wlio earry an eloetiou can only save tho governmont froni iinrucdiatc destruction, by giving up tho rnain poiot upon wl.ich the peopíe gave the eleetion. The peopie themselves, aud not their servants, cau sifoly reverse thir owa djliberate decisión. As a private eitizen tlie Esecutive could not have oonseuted that theso institutions shall pensh, mueh less c uld lir, in the betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as these fice people liad onüaed to hini. líe fell that he liad no moral right to shrink or even couut the chances oí bis own life ID what may follow. In full view of bis groat responsibility he has so far done what bo has deeincd bis duty Will you uot, according to your own judguient, perform jo-rs? He sinccrely hopea that your iews aud your actioné niay so aeoord witb bis as to assure all faithful citizen.13! who have been disturbed in thair i-'í'"1'8) of a speedy restoration to tJj?m under tl)O constitution and tbe lav, and having in this chosen our cour-' without guile aud with pure yurposes, lot uu put our trust in Uoc'ad gn forwárd without fear and witt rianljr hearts. (Sicned) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. July h I8g. ___


Old News
Michigan Argus