Congress And Slavery

lt we may judge by the lirst daysmdications the tuembers of Congress have gone to Washington preparad to manufacture nny ainoinit of " bunkum :' for home coiiMimption. Without even vraiting for the message of the President they entercd immediately upon the ork of " airiug the colorod gentleman' and the following resolutions wcro iutroduced du ring the tirst day's session : Mr. Elliot offcred the followiug : 1. Resolved ly the Home of Representativas, 'il at in behalf pi the people ot' tttgse Statci, wc do again solcnmly declare th.it the war in vl ich wo are iiovï engaged agaiiis_t the insurgent bodies, now in arnjs against the goverjiment, 1ï:ih for its object tlie suppression of sue.h r.ebellioo, and the re-establishment of the rightful authority of the national coustitutiun and !.iv. s u-, ur the cutiré control oí our cominon country. '1. Tiiat, While wc disclaim all posver uudcr the constitutipn to interfere by ordinary legislation witli the institutiops of the scveral Statea, yct the war novf existing muftt be conducted accordiug to tli ! usage and rights of military service, and sliat during its eoutinuanoe the recognized authority of the niaxim tbat the safety of tho State ia the highest lawj subordínate;) the right of property, and dotninatea over civil relations. i. That, therefore, we do hereby declaro that in our jndgiuenr the President of the United Staten, nu the (Jonm. ander in-Chief of our ariny, and the officors in command under hiin, have the right to (.mancípate all persons held as slaves in any military district in a State of insurrectioa agaiust the national governmiMit, and that we respeetlully advise that such order cf rina:ici.atioii be issued whenevcr the game will avail to weaken the power of rebels in anus, or to strengthen the military power of the loyal forees. Mr. Dunn moved to lay the resolution on the table, hut the motiou was disagreed to by yuas 56 agaiust nays 77. The question recurring on Mr. Elliot's resolutioti, Mr. Roscoe (Jonkling proposed au amcndinent, whieh Mr. Elliot aeceptcd, so as to make the resolution apply to tho slaves of disloyal citizens, Uu motion of Mr. Stevens, the furthcr consideration of tho resolution was postponed until to-mocrow week, in order that it may be disjussed and aniendincnts subiuitted. 1 1 e was in favor of the main features of tho propositiou, but desired modiiication. Mr. Campbell gave notice that be would cali up the following resolution oa next Tucsday week : Resolved, That in lcgialating to meet the exigeueitïs of the present rebcllion, Congress should confíscate the property, laves ÍDcluded, of all rebels, and protect the property and rights ander the con stitution auci laws, of all loyal citizens. Mr. Stevens subinittcd the following for cousideration : ll:rreas, Slavery luis cauied the present rebellion iu tho United StatfcS : And, ll'hereas, There can be no solid and permanent peacc and union in this Ee.pub.lic, so long as that institutiou exists within it ; And, lVhereas, Slavcs are now uscd by the rebels as au cssential means of supportiog and'prosecuting tho war; And, WItcrcas, 13y the law of nations :t ij right to libérate the slaves of an encmy to weaken his position ; therefore, lle it enacted by ths Ssnate and JIoiiso of Representatie, That the President be requested to declaro free and direct our Generáis and ofïiccrs iu eommand to ofl'er freodom to all slaves who sliall leave their masters or shall aid iu quelliqg the robellion. %L And be it further Resolved, That the United States pledge tho fuith of the nation to make full and fair conipcnsation to all loya,} citizens who are and shall remain activo in suppqrting tho Union, fov all the loss they maj sustaiu by vir■tue of this resolutioii. " Coufisuation " and ' emancipatiou " are tho changos to be rung, and we fear that the country will be surfeitcd. It is tho opinión of fanática - and there are soiue .such iu Congress - that iu this war the white man has no rights to be rcspectcd, and that all legislatura must look to the wrongs real or fancied of the colored population of the seceded States. We have no sick'y sympathy with rebels, we thall not coniplain if in the progresa of the war they lose their stares, but we do not believe that cither Congress or the President has the right to proelaiua general emancipation. Kuch a proclamation could or.ly be productivo of the groatest injurj, and bosides cannot be made without trampliog upon the constitution wiiich wo are professing to wago war to uphold. Without commeuting further upon this point, we will eommend the following extract from the recent ThaDkëgiving nr.OQ"Sf Hesky Wakd 15:;;:cii,:u to the oinairfKpationists&iollj ia nd out oí' Congrcss. Mr. 1 says : '; Of all the adviec that has bood given, while it niay seem to iïxosa who know QOt the natura of our instfsutioné most nal, thtírc is none that chimes more witii tho üortliern leeüiig than thn - to makc a deolaratkm of afeaiii ipafiou to scttle this diffieulty ; and yet noither t!ie popa] ■ tho foroign adviee ..viil. We must conduct this war by ?:.(! tkrougU our tnstitutioQS or flsc we must dei ! --ii-ö thut our institutioiis havo fuiled, and (!;at wc have revertod to original principios. Tfaero a onlj one er tlic otlicr of' theso courses. The last vu cannot aud shall not do. We :iro nof góirtg to say to the world that repubhean ns;tu!iai:s have so signalij failcd tbat we must abandon tbom aud ró-establisli otlicr onos. No man tí11 s:iy tiiat. We who boaet of our constitutiou must uot violóte it oursclvca in putting down thbi o who viölatHt. We must not by Oongressional legioifttion declare polítical eiiiancipation. l wish wc could. I wi-h Adam had not ainncd, and bis posterity had not bcc.i atfeoted ; bttt tliat does not ; help tho matter. I wish our fáthers had i stood out agninst vrliftt are calludthe com1 promises of the oouatitution. Botter tben than iiov. Tho serpent ju.-t batched is not half so much to be feared as the serpent fuü growu. Our troublcs have iucreased with evcry goueration, and what ia the uso of sighing over what can't bo hclpcd ? Our fathers sigued the bond aud wc aocepted it. Can we afl'ord to break it ('or tho sake of tivcn ho UaagniScent a result as the emancipatioo of the slavo. Shali We rend the orystal instrument - the joy of the world, and our pride? It is very easy to say "now it 3 a state of War - let us declare euiancipation." The wav has uot d riveü us out of our institutions. We are not ourselves ia a state of rebellior:. We cannot eipect by Üestrbyiag the constitution to put down rebellion. If any one ask me whüther'a law or a constitution are inferior to original principies of Ulórálity and justice I say no ; but ]ilihted faith is itself in nature of a sacred moral prDCÍple. Our faith ia givcn and must be kept ! When we cAnnot abide by our promise, then, in methods éxpcessly proviili'il. v;n mnt viir lnïr;iw flip nlprlirfl :im] the agreements of t!:e constitution, and stand apart as two separate peoplo." This ij to the poiut : " Wo who boast 11 of our constitution must not viólate it " üurseivcs in putting down those who " viólate it. We mmi not lij Congretssion" al legislation declare political emancipa" ion.'1' We aro not in rebellioü, wo have it.stitution to preserve, and we can oinly preserve them by obeyiug the con stitution ; " our ñiith is givon and must be kopt," or we " must dudare that our icatitutions liave failed," "withdraw thü pledge and agreemeut of the constitution, and stand ap;irt two Bepdtsto people." - And who will say that Bkehbb is not right fur o;ice ? Cannot loyal meu and a loyal govermuent uffbrd to stand by the constitution and let slavery take cara of itself. Let slavea stand or fall as the othcr property of slaveholders. It is neither more nor less saerod. Aud eertainly, ir the (j-ovoninicut would not coi'ñseato the lands aud housos, and horses and cattle, of loyal men, it should not contiscate nor emancípate their alares. S" Those wibe memben of Congr3s and newspaper editurs who talk so flippantly about eonfiacating the property of rebels, of all kinds including real estáte, aio advised to read the following extract froni tlie CODBtitution of the United States, wliich oughl to be the supreiuc law of the land, and whieh i entitled to respect and oledicnce even in au at tempt to put down rebellioii. We quote : ': The Gongréss shall have power to doolare the punisbinunt of treason ; but uo attainder of treason shall work corruptiou of blood, or forfeiture, exeept d uring the lile of tho persou attaintcd." - Art. Uf. Sec. 3, Clau3o2. The immers of tho Constitution had sorely feit punishments for political offenoeg, aud they guarded against theni. - They, therefore, provided punishinent for the guilty, but not for the innocent, and dctermiiied that the f ra i tor should expíate his owu orimes, and noi punish bis inno cent posterity either by depnvíng them of the cherished righta of eitizenihip or making them paupers. Dual out justiee to every traitor, but lot the innocent be proteeted in all their constitutional rights. In no other way may we hopo for eommunities of loyal citizous aftur the rebellion shall have been put down.