Message Of Governor Seymour

We give so niuch of Gov. Seymour's message as relates to tiational affairs: The past year bas been erowded with eyents, both civil and military, of tbe gravest interest. The establishment of a Jíational Bank system ; tbe issue of enormous amounts of paper money wh.ub is made a legal tender; ibe adoptiou of a law for coerced military service ; the act indemr.ifying aud shielding officials charged witb offenses agaiost the persons and property of citizens ; the suspension of tbe rit of huleas corpus ín peaceful and loyal communitios aro measures wbicb go far toward destroying tbe rights of States ceiitralizing all power at the nutional capital. The executive and military officials assume to declare martial law and ta arrest citizens wbere tbe courts are in undisturbed operation ; to try tbnm by military tribunals, and to impose punish ments uukuown to tbe customs of our country ; to administer arbitrary test oaths to iuterfere with the freedom of tbe preste, and with State and local elections by military decrees and tha display of armed power. Tbe President claims tbe rigLt to da acts bey on d his civil jurisdietion, aud beyond the legislative power of Congress, by virtue of his positiorj as Cotmiaudern-Chief. In this assumpticn he ia kustained by botb branches of Congress, and by a large sbare of the people of tbe country. . These proceedings of Congress and the action of tbe executi?e and military officials have wrought a revolution. Tbe civil power, tbe laws of states, the decisions of thejudieiary have been made subordínate to military autbority. At ihis time, then, we are living, under 3 military government ; which claims tbat its bighest prorogatives spring from raartial law and military necessities. These acts have been sustained b) the army and acquiesced ia by the people. Tliis revolution, if permanent!}' aooepted, must be recognized as au everthrow of estab lished and eberisbed principies of overnment. Hereafter it will loose force itself upon the a'.teution of the American people, who will then see mid feel its nature and resiilts, To tbeir dceision in calmer bours this subject must be referred. If these measures of military, political and financial consol.idaiion break down, their failuro will show the wisdom of the constitution in withholding froru tbc general government powers it Oanoot exeroise wi&ely and weil ; aud it will estabüsh the rights of States upon a basis firm and undisputed, and will matte tbe general goverument strong by confining it to its proper jurisdictiou. In the end we shall return to. t!e principies from wbich we have been drifting. In the meanwhile we are threatened with otber calam"ities wliich demauded our imtnediate attention. rI'he rights of the people and the restrafnts of the constitution can be re-asserted whenevcr the public shall deniand tbeir restoration, but it is beyond the power of tbs popular will to rescue us from the calamities of national bankruptcy or national ruin, when these have befallen us. The progress of events bas brought us to the puint wbere we are compelled to contémplate these calamities and to consider how tbey iiiay be avcrted. While it is a duty to state plainly my views about public aflfairs, I sball (Jo so in no spirit of controversy or of disrespect for the opinions of those who differ from me. The questions of the day are beyond the grasp of any mind to comprehend in their influeuces or results. We see them from diö'erent standpointH, and we reaeh couflicting conclusions. - None but the ignorant, the bigoted or tbe designing will niijke these dilïerences of views occasions for reproaoh or eoutumely. Tbe ti:ue3 demand outspoken discussions, When we see good aod earuest men, u,nder t!)e mfluence üf soine absorbing sentiment, overlookjng the great priuciplea of good goverument, trampling upon usages aud procedures wbicb have grown up with the bistory of liberty in tbe civiliged world, we are warned tbat none if us eau claim to be above the influeuce of passioos and prfjudices. While I do not agree wiLh those on the oue hand who insist upon ta unoocdilional peace, or ■with those upon the other extreme, who would use only unqualiíied forcé in putting down tbis rebellion, I domand for them what x ask for those who coucur in views which I present, a fair, dispatsionate and respeclful hearing. Let not the perils of our country be increased by bigotry, by partisan passions, or by an unwillingness to allow opinions to be uttered in forma and modes in acoordance with the usages of our people and the spirit of our lawa. Since the outset of the war the national adtninistration ivas asked lor nearly two millions of men. ïo keep up oUr armies, the average annual calis have been mare than 400,000 men. In addition to the loss of life, there has been a diversion of latior from peaceful and productive occupations to war, whioh dei-troys the accumulated wealth of the country. The Seeretary of the Treasury statea the national debt will be at sixteen hundred millions in July next. This does not inolude unascertained demands. In our former wars these latent claims have nearly doubled the liabilites supposed to exist during their progresa. If the war shoulcl cease to day, the national indebtednesa could not fall short of two thousnnd millions of dollars. To this must be added the aggregato of State, eoun'.y and town obligutions. The cost of carrying on the war hereafter will be increased by larger pay to our soldiers, by interest on accounts, by enhanced pricps of provisions, transportaron and material, growing out of depreciated currency. The proposed issue of three hundrcd mili ons of paper money, under the uational banking soliente, in addition to the yast sum now put out by our government, will add to the iuflution'of friCCS. Conflicting views are held aa to the amouut of iodebteduess which would cause natiopal bankruptcy, aud with regard to the length of time the war can go pp without causiug national ruin. - All agree in this ; that there is an amount of indebtednoss which wou'd overwhelmus with bankruptcy, that there is a duration of war which would bring npon us national ruin. The problem with which we have to grapple is: iiow eau we bring this war to a conclusión befare sueh . diaasters overwhelna us, - These perils mnst be coníronted. Two antagonistic theories are now before the American people for bringing to an end the destructive contest in wbich we are eugaged. The íirst is that contíiiued in the resoiution adopted by Congress and approved by the President at an carly day, and upon the faith of which the people of this country, without distinction of party, have furnished more than one million of men to our armies, and vast contributions to the treas ure of our country. This resoiution consecrated the energies of war and the policy of government to the restoration of the Union, the sup port of our constitution. Ifc w5 a sol emn appeal to tho civilized world that the objects.thus clearly set forth justified a war wliieh not ouly concerued the American people, but which also disturbed the commerce aud industry of all naI tions. The opposite theory prevent the return of the revolted States upon the eondition of laying down their arms; it denics them a politica! eïiatence, which enabies them to come back on any terms; it hoids that Slates in the revolted section of the. country must be " J lished;" that the States hereafter may [ or muy not hold uames or hold bounduries of the States thus destroyed, altho " it is suggested as not , iaiproper " that these names aud boundarios, etc, should be inainlained. The war, thcreforo, is not to be brought to au end by the submission of these States ïo the constitution acd their return to the Uoicn, but it must be prolonged until the South is subjugated to the acceptanco, not of its duties under tho consMtutiou, but of sucli terms as may be dictatcd. Uutil States are thus " re estabiished," it is held that there are no political organizations which eau bring back ths people to their allegiance, that if the nine states spoken of in the proelamation of the President should lay down their anus, ana should returu to the performance of their duties, they would not be recognized of received. This theory designs a sweeping revolution in tho section of our country now in rebellion, and the creation of a new political S3stem by virtue of executive decrecs. Is this calculated to stop the waste of blood aud trensure ? It the S'outh ia revolutiouized, its property devastatcd, its industry brokeu up aud destroyed, will this benefit the Nortbï Those who urge the restoration of the Union, and the preservation of our constitution, contend that in addition to up holding our armies aud our navios, every measure of wise statesmanship and conciliatory policy shall be adopted to briug this war to a sucoessful close. Only the ends for which this war was begun should be sought; because they are the most easily attained, most beneficial when gaincd, and in their support the most varied the wat enlarged and tho most patriotic iuñuences can be exerted. . On the other hand, it is insisted that tho war shall be prolonged by wagirig it for purposes beyond those avowed at the cutset and by making demanda whioh will escite desperate resistance. A demand is made that the people of the South shall swear to abide by a proelamation put forth with reluctance, aud I which is objected to by a large share of Northern people, as unwise and unjust, as it makes no distinction bctwepn . the goilty and the innocent. ïhey are to take aó oath to which no reputablo citi1 zen of the North of any party will sub; senbo : that they will uphold any future ' proclamatiou relating to slarery. Thpy are to submit themselvea to uttered and unuttered opinious and decrees. No longer regarding the war as direoted agaiust armed rebellion, ií is to be waged against people, property, and local inscitutions ! It is held that tho whoie population withiu tho limita of certain States are Ktripped of all politic-il rights unlil they are purged by PresirH ntinl cleinenoy. ' The disorganization and destruction of tho South are not to save us frona the cost of war. The plan in the future government of the seoeded States demands the maintenance of armies and a continued drain upon the persons and property oí our people. Whenever onctenth of the voters of cither of these States shaü submit themseves to the eonditioris imposed, they muy form new governments, with now or oíd ñames and bo-undaries. This inconsiderable minority is to be supported in the exerciso of power by thg arms and treasure of the Nonh. There will be no motives, on their part, to draw tho remaining populutiou into the support of the governments thus oreated. There will be every induoement of power, of gain and of ambition to perpetúate the condition of aüairs so favorable to individual purposes. It will also be for the interest of the national administraron to continue this sys em of government, so utterly at variance with a representativo poliey. - Is not this the same mistaken theory upon whieh othor nations have tried to govern their dependenoies? Has complete subjugation lor conturies produeed the quiot, the obedience to. law, the order, the securily to lito and property, the kindly feeltngs, or the mutual eontnbutions to prospority whieh belong to real peace. Governments thus formed would represent not the interests of their citizens but the will and interests of the power that createa and sustains them. The üine States thus controüed would balance in the House of Representatives in the ehoice of President, and at all times ia the Senate, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Indiana, Massaebusetts, Missouri, Kentuoky, and YVisconsin, with a united population of 16,533,383; wbieh is more than ono-half of that of our whole country. The one tenth who would aoeept the proolamation for the price of power would not only govern the State made by executive decrees but they would also govarn the North. Whilo the plan is harsh to the body of the Southern people, it is still more unjust towards the North. Fourteen hundred men in Florida would balance in the Senate of the United States the power of New York. Less thau 70,000 voters in the nine States named in the President's proclamaron would wicld a power suffieiont to weigh down that of tho nine most populous States u the Union. We should thus have, with the nominal States of Eastern and Western Virginia, a system of rot'eu boroughs whieh would g)vern the Union and destroy the represeutative nature of our government. Th s, in comieetion with tho inequalities in State represeiitation, would be a dangorous invasión of the rights ef a majority of the American people. It would enable an administration to perpetúate its power. It is a faet full of significaree that every measure to con vort the war 1 armed rebellion to one against private property and personal rights at the South, bas been aoeompauied by claims to exercise military power in tho loyal States cf the North. The proclamation of enjaneipation at the South, and the suspension of the writ of hale s corpus at the Nortli ; the confiscation of private property in the seceding States, and the ar-biti-ary arresta, imprisonment and bauishment of the eitizens of the loyal States ; tho claim to destroy politir.al organizations at the South, and the armed interfcrence by governmeut in loeal elections have been contemporaneous evenis. These acts at first were justified upon the ground that they wero necessary to gave the national oxistence. We now fid that new and more extreme claims to arbitrary power are put forth when it is declared that the strength of the rebellion is braken, and tbst our armies are about to trample out every vestigo of its inaendiary fires. More prerogatives are asserted in the hour of triumph than were clairaed as a necessity in days of disaster and danger. The doctrine of Southern tiou and revolutiou is a doctrine of national bankruptcy, and of national ruin ; it is a measure for laating military des potism over one-third of our country, whieh will be the basis for military despotism over the wbole land. It does not oontemplaio the return ot' our soldiers to their families, or relief froin the cost and sacrifiees of war. It will make an enduring drain upon our homes, and repose c us'ning burdens upon our labor and industry. It will open a wide and latiug üeld for speculation and fraud.- It ten'ds to perpetúate powor by making and unmaking States, as the interest t' factioDS may díctate It will be a source of internal disorder aud disquiotude, and national weakness in our external relations. It will givo dangerous alües to invaders of our soil. If this war is to make a social revolutiun and structurul changes in great States, ve have seeri only its beginning. Such changes are the work of time. If they are to be nade by military power, it must bo exerted through long periods. Whether white or black troops are used, the diversión ñ'om labor ana the cost of war will be equally prolonged, and we have just entered upcn a course of certain cost aad uiipertain results. No such changes as are now urged have ever in the world's history been without struggles lasting through more than one generation of ineu. Wliat has go?ernment aecomplished in the territories wrested froin rebellion by the valor of our arinies ? Has it paciüed thera ? Has it revived the arts of peace? ïïas quiet and confidence been restored ? Is commeroe renewed ? Are they not held as they were conquored, at the expense of Northern blood and treasure? Are nat our armies wasted by holding under armed control those who, nnder a wiso and generous policy, would have been frieuds ? The spirit whieh prompts the harsh measurea of subjugation has driven off naany iu the border States, who, at the crisis of our couutry's fate, broke away from their ancient syropathies with the seoeding States and clung to the Union. States whieh, by the election of the people ranged themselve3 upon the side of the cousti;ution, are not allowed the free exercise of the elcotive franchise. ín some quartera discontent has heen increased ; in no place has the wisdom of government gained us allies. There is but one course that will save us from national rum. We must adhere to the solemn pledges made by our government at tlie outset of the war. We must seok to restore the Uuion and uphold the coastitution. To this end, while we put forth every exertion of material power to beat down armed rebellion, we must use every influence of wise statesinanship to bring back the States whieh now rejeet their constitutional obligations We must hold forth every honorable indueement to the people of the South to assume ngain the rights and duties of American citizenship. We haya reached that point in the progress of the war for whieh all have struggled and all have put forth united e::ertic,ns. Our armies and navies have won signal victories; they havo done their part with courage, skill and success. By tlie usage of the civiliued world statesm-anship must novv egert its influencc. If our cause faijs ia the. judgment of the world it will be chargod to the lack of wisdom in the Cabinet, and not to the want of bravery or patriotism in the army. The great object of victories is to bring back peace ; we can now with dignity and magnanimity proclaim to the world our vvish that States, whieh havo long been identifica with our history, should resume their positions in the Union. We now stand before the workl a great and suceessful military power. No one can foresee the latent victories or dofeats whieh lie in our courso if forcé and forcé alone ia to be exerted. The past has taught us the certain cost of war and the uncertainties of its resulta. In this contest bel'igerent rights are necessarily conceded to the South. The usages of international warfare are practieed in the reeognition of flags and the exchanges of prisoners. Is it wise to put off. the end of the war and thereby continue a recoguition whieh tends to familiarice the public mind in our owu country and in the world at large with the idea that we aro djsunited into two distiuct nationalitica. A needlessly protracted war becomes disunion. Wise statesmanship can nos bring this war to a close, upon the terms solcmuly avowed at the outset of the conten. - Good farith to the public creditors ; to all classes of citizens of our country ; to the world, demanda that this bé done. The triumph on by the soldiers in the field should be followed up and secuj-od by the peace making policy of the statesmen in the Cabinet. In uo other way can we save aur Union. The fearful struggle whieh has taught the North and thu South the courage, the endurancc and the resources of our people, have made a basis of mutual respect upon whích a gonerous and ïiiaguanimous policy can build lasting relationships of uuion, intercourse and frateniiil regard. If our course is to be shaped by uarrow and viudictive passions, by venal purposes, or by p..rtisan object, tlteu a patriotic people have poured out their blood and treasure in yain, and the future is full of disaster and ruin. We should seek, nqt the disorganiation, but the paeiiieatiou of that section of our country devastated by civil war. In this hour of triumph appeals should be inado to States, whjcb, &rg idenified with the growth and grpatness of our country, and with some of whieh are associated the patriotic memories of our revolutionary struggle. Every generous mind rovolts at the thought of destroying all thoso memorips that eljng about the better days of the republic ; that are connected with the sacrifices of the men who have made our history glorious by thetr services ïn the Cab'met, in the forum aud in the field. The victories whieh have given our government its present commauding position, wero won by men who rallied around and fought beneatb the folds of a flag whose stars represent each State iu our Union. If we strike out of existence a single State, we make that flag a falsehood. When VTe extinguish the name of any one of the original thirteen States, we dishonor the historie stripes of our national banner. Iet the treasonable task of defacing our flag be left to those who war upon our government, and who would destroy the unity of Qjjr countryj Faith to our armies and to our citizens (Iemands that we keep sacred the solemn pledge made to our people aud to, the civilized world, when we engaged in this blooily war, " that it was not waed in any spirit of opp.ression, or purpose of overilqwing er iuterfering with the rights of establislied institutions in those States, but to defend and maint;)in tlie supremai'y of the eonstitution, índ to preserve the Union with all the diguity, equality and rights of iho several States unimpaired ; and that assoon as these objects are aceomplished, the war ouebt to cease.