The "Fanaticism" Of The Liberty Party

The Signal of Liberty takes exceptions to nn article of our?, in wlnch we callrd the Libérty parly "misguided fanaties," and in ils rely lias tiic l'olluwing:- 'Our 'om; den' object cnn bo nccomplihed without vidlathijr one jol or tiivle of the ConÑtirutinn, in three vvoys: I. Hy tiraending the CoBstitntion en ns to ñHoIfófi Síávery in ui) ihe Stnies. This cnn bo doiiO bv thu LogiblnUneá of Iwo thirds o' the iSliitp.s. a. Bvorgnnizingnn rinnijcipnlion party u ovory Slnve Suite, anti lifiérátÍPg the éluvea hy vSlute aniiinr'iy. CuFèitte M. Clny hos:t'rrady cin)nienci:d agiiaunif fur such u purly in Kehfucky. 3. Hy tlie rynrcUe nfilio Kxociitivo patronn je of the Nition;il Governuinm in sndi n ninnncr that no Slnvciioldor sluill rcceivo anv office whatpver froin the General Gjnvernmpnt. Tnis principio, i f' onicfispd n cnrncst fora few yearg, would stnl.o the dealli blow 'o the nccurteil niflitution." We give the St'iïiml Iho full benefit of its ayn luiijruogp; and re.illy, it hnd lialf in clined ds (in o 11 good nnUire, howeyqr,) to wiihdraw ihe epitliet of "fn narlie," so far al le&tas iht1 editor of l tint print implicniod. Si 'arite Iiim down nn - nss!' (1.) His 'Hliroe wnys" for nhoüshingr slaver}', so fiom far con trovertinir or impairing our position, viz: iliat the L;berty party cnn only curry out their "one dea" by violating the Con.stitution of tlie United State?, nnd thus dii=meinherinr the Union, - only nvolve him iu na tnony glaring inconsistencies. His finaticiim degeneratet; into a fooíish knavery, whicïi is even more censurable. - Bnt lo sotne "unlid' reuson for ih'é èbnrge'ofjtinatiiiim'; and os the Signal has thrown us the glovc, we trust our readers wil! excuse the space our remarles may ocenpy.In speakinr of the Liberty pnrty asn party, we intended of course to be understood os spenki.ng of their politica! orgamzntion - so erganized for ilie ayowëd and cxprcss object of efTectfog a radical cliange in the powers of ihe General Government. Tlie Signal, it wil! be noted, admits !his change to be neceesary before theaim of its party can be safely a'lained. (si.) We maintain tbat any change in out present articics of compact between ihè States, tenriing in the least toword the enlargeinent of thj powers of the General Government, is a papaple violation of the spirit and letter of lijnt compact; nnd that consequenlly it would no Jonger be binding oh the severa! States. The original Thirteon United Colonics must be ndmitlcd to hnve been so mfiny separate and distinct sovereinties - each independent of theother and of nny earthly power, and united only in rpsisling the tyrranny of Great "Britain. The Union, of w.fwcJi ütion is tíic fundamental law, is tiothing inore thnn the mutual concession by thc several States to the Genei al Government ofccrtain powers lo be exercised n trust for the common good of the whole - such ns tlie treatymoking power, nnd power over othcr inatters nfiècting the general intcrcsts oí' the xiliole confederatioi), Tliis is specificully eet forth in tlie preamble to the Constitution, as folIowf:- 'We, tho people of the United S:ates, in order to form a more perfect iitiínn, cstablish jnstice, insure domestte tranquilitt, próvido for lie commoa der'cuce, promole Ue general welfare." &ü.Suffkient jurisdictien vvns vcsfed in the general government (es tho Corjo'itmion and the history of ihc Union prove,) to m:ike it efficiënt to the end for which il was creotec! - and no more; the Stafes relaining full nnd com plcte jirisdiction over their Jocul alF;nre. If, then, in entering into the compact Ihat now holds ihei together, the States surrendered none of their sovereigniy, but merely delegaten certain autharity to n firvlorative power of' ihcir own creation, s it not evident that neither this power, ;ior nny provisión of the anieles of confederation by virtne of wh'ch it ex ercises limit cd jurisdiclion, is snflicient to de prive the States of a whit of their sovereign ty? Vet, to abolish Slavcry, it is neecssary to do this; for, as there is nothinp in the Con stituüon which makes Slavcry a A'alional inatitution, al! power over it was of course reserved to the States. (3.) Now, willthe Signal teil us that f twp-thirda of (ho States s?!iould consent to an enlanjement of he powers of the General Government, the Union wou!d not virtually be nt nn end, nnd that Ihe States who.-e rights wotilti thereby be infringed would not be justifiable in declaring the compact dissolved? (i.) Such woiild anost certainly be the case; for the very basis of the National Government would be changed, and thenceforward the preeent Ropublic would be nothing less thnn an Oligarchy. The only way, then, in which this vital principie of a Republican fovern ment-can be chonged, is by the vnanimóvt concunence of the Stntes. Clearly nre Abolitionists "miiguidnd fanatics," then, to advise an act which would dissolve the Union, and instead uf freeing the Slave, or araelioraling his condition in tho least, woti.'d onlv coníign him lo more hopelesa bondage. (5,) The SignaCs second prop sition Pinbracetf the only "way' in whicb, in our opinión, SJavery can ever be abolislied legnlly and with wnfety to the Union. (9.) But the Liberty party have no such end in view: their acts belie tUeüignaïs statement. What ! the Liberty agitaron in the Norttl creatingnn Emancivationparty] il) the Slave Slales? (7.) No: thri purbhnd zeal bas already goaded ihe Ler'iolalurcs of sevorol Slnve Staies lo tlie passage of Jav8 in i-elf defence vvliich prevent a)l access lo ihc slave by individuáis fiom the Norlh, and vvhich have delaycd all rcasoticble hopo ofabolishing Slnvóry forat lenst anolher eneration. Would any but "misgnided fanatics" or mndmen, thtiá persist m a conree vvhich eo scriously retarde the very enttse theyvvould íbrward? (8.) We might eay a few words here concerniría Mr. Caesitis Al. Clay mid hia '-vvork in Keutucky' bul enough on tbis [,'oiut. The third proposition, t is evident, is Iho (way' in which tlie Liberty party -expect (o gain theirend. (9.) By ogitation in the North they will obtain control of the General Govemment, ifthey ran, and (hen debar the minority their right to a participaiion in thofairs of the nation, because they are exercising a riglit to property in slaven, (In) a rightpossessed by llie Slate at ihe time oflhe udoption of tlie Constitution, reccgnizcd by the legislation of more ihan lmlf a century, nnd crtinrun'ecd to them by the Constitutions nnd luvvs ut' ilicir individual States: bui wliich, forsooth, these pseudo philaul hropists would lake f rom lliom, be the hazard what il may. - Tilia is no Icssu violation ol' the spirit oftlie Ciinslituüoi) lli;in is the first proposilion - asit i nho uUerly nt war with every principie of righiand Republicunism (11) nnd is ivorlhy to be odvocu'ed only by tlwee "misguidtd fnnatics'! ulio, in ihe heat of t hoi r vapid svmpalhy lor the "opprc.-seJ A'Vican," wou ld cominit a grenler wrong to effect, a lesser good. (12.) Wo hnve thus, wit Ii, as we nre uware, a great dcai m:c sorioiis.ic.-s thnn the subject i worthy, liurriedly revicwed the 'ihree wnys' in whicli we nre told tliat the Liberly pany enn rccoropli.xli thoir oliject without vio laiing'one jot or titile of the Conslitution.' 13. To onr aiind, the viows we have presonted are at once eajififactory ond concliiiive. JIornl suasion, is the on!y lever which cun pnssibly overturi: slavory in this country. (14.) Politicul aL'ifalioii and proscrirtion will only exspernte ('und very j'isïly, too.j the Slaveholdcr, and steel bis henrt againsl the prompt ing-s ofhis beller judgrment nd the lïictatos of liumanity. (15.) f.et tho Signa!, if ït be hónpst in its professed horror of Sluvery, transfer ihe sphere of its labors to the Slave Slates, and raise up 'Ëmancipation parties' there: and not by its present incendiary woik of dulanjation and ultraism, si ir up sectioiml aijiuiosiiies and estrange :he reverencc which all true Americans shoulil feel for the cfierished inatilutions under the developement of which onr country has risen fiom thirteen Colonial dependencies of Great Biitain lo twenty eight sovcreign and independent Smtps - together one of Üip greatest nations of the world and presenting to tho oppressed if uil nations an only avylum frem the tymnny of dospots. Uniil the Signa} does ihis, it must excuse us if we etill peroirt in calling it and its coworkers "misguidkd rAATics.M IC.NOTES. As t!ie Editor o[' the Observer has attempted lo make '-valid argument" ngainst us, and has really acquitted himselT very wcll, we have concluded to lay the whole article beforo our readers, notwithstanding it is couched n a phraseology not the most courteous or respect ful lo us. This characteristic. however, we are disposed to attribiite to t!e associations of the writer rat her- han to any design o Ji'3 parí to use language unbeíitting; gontlemon. 1. Do (hese aspersions ti pon usadd any thing to the forcé ofi he argument? Who cannot cali opprobrious ñames? 2. We c.xpoct to abolish slavery tl)ro' the exercise of the existing poweis of the General Government, without effect ing any "radical change" in those powers. - It is nol therefore, "the avowed and express object" of the Liberty party to effect this "radical change," because tlieir object can be better accomplished without it. But we would go lor making this change, should it become necessary to effect our purpose. 3. This is our doctrine. But Slavery has been established by the General Government over eiLit new Slave States, and on the Ocean, and in the District of Columbia. All this has been duiie, according to the Observer, in violation of the Constitution, seeing that slavery is not a 'National institution,' but ull posver over it was of course reserved to the States." of the Constitution! lias üiC owrvor ever protested against it?4. We do not admit that the rights of any States would be "infringed" by an alteration of the Constilution in the manner prescribed in that instrument: nor would the making of such alteration, free the rernainingparlof the States from obligalion io conform to it. All the States have agreed that a majority of two-thirds mightamend it any time, and, for aughl that appearsin the inslrument to the contrary, in any of its provisions. They are, then, as much bound to abide by the alterations, as by the original provisions.5. A dissolution of the Union, in our opinión, would verv soon rosult in the liberation of the slaves. But we do nol scek their emnncipation by that means, because we have a better way. 6. So the Observer concedes that by our second method, "Slavery can be abolished legnlly and with salety to the Union." This is so farconceaing the whole question in controversy. We are of the same opinión. 7. Yes: such is and wil] be the result. it is already commonced in Virginia and Kontucky, and in Delaware the incipient steps are in progress.8. That several Legistatures have legislated recently against Abolition, is true. But why did they do so? Because they feit the ncccssity of cutting off all communicatiori witli Abolitionists as mucli as possible. It was the danger to their "jnstitution" which impelled thom to doit.- It was because their human pröperty was jeopardized by contact with Abolition principies and feelings that they were "goaded" to do it." They did not pass tho. acts referred a twenty years ago, because the antislavery pressure was not hen feit by them as it now is. The vefy act that a man carefully prepares to deend hirnself, implies that he anticípales anger. In this movement of somd of Slave Siatös, wo see ovident signs ofgress and encouraÊ3mcntt Look j lfce speeches and letters of slaveholders, in Congress and elsewhere, ad you will find that they regard the conditie of thei'r cau.se as more critical than it has Uen for a long time, and they anticípate atremendous conflict willi the antislavory feeJing of the whole nation. This story about putting bnck einancipation by the organizution of the Liberty party will do to deccivo northern doughfaces, but the Liberty movement is feaued and dreaded by tbc more intelligent slaveholders more than nny thing else. That shrewd and sagacious statesman, Henry Clay, denounced the first appearnnce" of political abolition as "alarming"! Cassiús M. Clay, when asked last year if the antislavery movemen.ts of the Free States had not put back Emancipntion, replied" most strongly in the ncgative, and expressed a wish that they had been fifty times greater. 9. The reader will observe that tho writer tacitly concedes that this third prop, osition is practicable. 10. This is not a fair statement of the case. We do not intend to deprive the slaveholders of all "participation in the afïïiir.s of the nalion". Far from it. - We would allow hem to retain every riglit as citizens which they now possess: but we would not have them appointed to office by the National E.ecutive, because they are unfit persons to hold office.11. The slaveholder, who daily acts as an arbitrary, se] f constituted despot over tlic persons and destinies of bis countrymen, should be the very last lo talk about "right and Rcpubüeanisin"! As well might Satan talk about virtue and holiness. 12. Our pronosition is, that tho National Executive shall not appoint any slavoholder to office. This the Observer says vb "a violation of the spirit of the Constitulion,"and "a wrong" to iheslavehplder. We cali upon that paper to name the clause ín that instrument which says or implicsthat Slavoholders shall be appointed to natiónal offices by the President of the United Slates, or thnt notorious and pryeseed Gam'blers, Duellists, or Counterfuiters iinvc nny constitutional claim to office. Next, we wil] thank biro to show what "wrong" is done to a Slaveholder individually by rcfusing him office. Is it not tho duty and privilege of the President to nomínate such men to ollico as he thinks will best promote the welfare ofthewhole country? When he rejects the application of one who is a supporter of its greatest moral and political curse, and norainates one who would removo Umi cursr, wlio is ínjurod thereby? No Wong can be done to the Slaveholder unlcss he can shno iliat. some of his rights have heen invadcd. Where is the slaveholder who will say, "The Constitution guarantees.to mr an appointment to this tr that 'office?" IC he cannot show his tille to hold any particular office, then ho cannot complain that "wrong" is done him in not appoinüng him to that office.13. The writer hns admitted that our object can be "legaUy" and "icilh safe 'ij" accomplislied by the second method. 14. Wli on will "moral suasion onhf expunge a law from the Statute ÍODk? 15. VVliy does not the Observer practice on its own principies? Just try its rensoning upon "Modern Democracy," and see how it will work. "Moral suasion is the only lever that can possibly overturn a High Protective TarifF. Poüticnl agitation and proscription will only exaspérate (and very justly, too,) the Manufacturcr, and steel his heart against tiie promptings of his better judgement," &c. Yet the Observer organizesa politica! party ngainst a High Protective Tariif, and if sound in its profession of Modern Democracy, would exclude every advocate of such a system from the Presidential Chair, and from the Cabinet, and from Congress, and from every importantoflice! Here is proscription for you! - ín vain tho High TarifT man nppeals to the Constitution for his right to hold office. Tljis Democrat replies, "You are unfit to hoJd office. You wil] use your power to build up the Rich, and oppress the Labover, and we shall therefore keep you out if we can!" The Democrat regards a High Protective TarifFas a great national political evil, and he attempts to put it Jown by orgamzing a political partyagainst it that sha repetil the laws whicii sustain it, and fill the national offices with those who advocate n right course upon that subject. So with the Liberty party. We regard Slavery as a grcat national political curse and when we seek its ex linction by tho same meaiis by which our opponents attempt to remove what they suppose to be natwnal we are as sailed by them'ith the cry of "Proscrip lion," "Viotation of tho Constitution," &c. Uov ridiculoiiüi 10. This winding off" is truly sublime for a DemocratJ After n labored article in defence of the e.xistence and perpetuity of the vilest system of tyranny, ihat eversaw the sun - after pleading for the right of Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand Atner