It muy now be considerad the definito policy of the Administration to couduct and prolong tho war, not for the solé purposo of putting down therebollion and restoring tho Union, but to oompel tlie general and immediato "abandonment of slavery." This lias becn distinctly announced in thc "To whoin it may Concern" letter of President Lincoln ; on such conditions Gun. PremoñT has withdrawn from the Presideutial canvass; and such aira aud end are enunciatcd daily by the radical mcmbcrs of ihe Republican party ; and it is these radicáis who will control tho Administration of Aurauam LiKOOMi if the people shall give it a ncw lease of life. Tho future of tho ne"ro race then becomes a most scrious question. What is to bc the social and political status of the emancipated slavcs ? Are they to bo colonized in the territories, or bo scattercd promiscuously over the length and brcadth of tho land, and forced into positions of social and political equality with tho whitcs ? Theso questions havo been answcred, and by the men who givo tono to the dominant party, and who will seek to decree both the social and political future of the emancipated slaves. Theoboue Tilton says in the New York Independent, a journal which furnishes both law and gospel for the Kepublican party, and which dictates the policy of Abraham Lincoln above auy single journal in the country : "' " Lcaving out of view our riative born Americana of English descent, there are euough of other stocks on this soil to make three other nations- namely, the Irish, the Germans, and the negroes. ( Eveu the .negroos number onc million more than tho whole population of the United Statea at the adoption of the Constitution. But these three stocks have not come hither to establish fchemselvos as distinct peoplon : but each to oin üself to each till all together shall be built up into the monumental nation of the earth I" What say our Irish and Gorman fel low-citizens to this ? Will they sustain political leaders who have determined that they shall absorb tho negro race ? ]3ut we quote again from the NewYork Poet, another loading advocate of continuing the war for the express purpose of emancipation. It says : "Can we doubt that if we are truc to the grand opportunities of our position iu reference to these poo"r debased Africans, at Keil ai in respect to the hordes of uncouth foreigners poured upon our shnres, we shall not only elévate them to a higher condition, but produce in oursolves a manliness and sinoerity of character that will lift tho whole nation as far above other nations in woral dignitj as it already. is in physical power ? Are Germans, and Irishmen, and Euglishmen, or in the language of the Post, the "hordes of uncouth foreigners," roady to be devoted to accomplish what Wbndell PaiLLirs - the dictator of the policy of the Administration - termsthe "sublime mingling of the races," but what we in our plain spoken language would cali amalijamaticn ? If uot, let them not vote for Abkauam Lincoln and the adoption of this new mitcecenation thcory. Ï3r Many years ago Wexdf.ll Phillips boastingl proelaimcd that "the Constitution of our fathers was a mistakc. Tear it in pitee and make a better " The administration of Abraham Lincoln, under the forco of au "outside pressure" - always lus excuso to his conservativo friends - haa obeyod tbo injunction of Wendell Phillips, or we sliould say the first part of it. It has torn the Cons.itution in piecei, and now the national ship Is careering over the wide waste of waters without chart or cnmpass. Tho Constitution has not given power enougli to enable the "radicáis to accomplish their onds, and, therefore, Congress has made neccssity, "military necesóity" the plea for overriding the plainest provisions of that instrument, and tho President, sheltering hirnself under the same plea, has gone beyond these very unconstitutional jaws of Congress, and violated them in letter and spirit. Can we expcct, can the nation expcct such men to "make a botter" Constitution ? Let all wbo revero tho Constitution of "Washington, and Madison, and Jefforson, and the othcr fathers' of our liberties; the Constitution whieh establishod us as a nation, and gave us a proud position among nations, considcr if it is best to re-elect Auraham Lincoln, and continue the government for another four yoars really ia the hands of WenDELt PiiiLLirs and his Constitution hating associatcs. JSS" We find the follovving paragraph in a recent New York telegram : " The Time'1 Washington special says : It is rumorcd that a succossor may soon be found for General Rosecrans, who is aid to be in trouble, though the nature of the difficulty is not yet made public." Does not "the inituro of the difficulty" growoutofa recent annouucement tliafc Gen. Roseoraxs, and the personal friends of Gen. JloSEOBANS, warmly favor the election of Gen. McClellaüj ? If he can not uso all his influence for Lincoln, ie can not expect to be rctaiued in comnaud of a departincnt. gZST Tha Barry County Pioneer Las oinittod the name of I-Ion, Alpuhüs Felcii, tho dernocralic nominee for Associate Justicü oí' ttio Supremo Cuurt, Trom the ticket at the heiid ol its coljinftn. It should correct tho inistake mmcdiaiely. O"3 We give in another column an abie letter from John Van Buhen, giving bis reasons for supporting MoClellan. Van Buren reprosents thatlarge oLus of New York Deujocrats wbo havo Bupporled the admiiiistration in all logitinato efforts to put down the rebellion, but who now believu that no hon- orable poaoe can be attaiued.if Abuauam . Lincoln ís ro uluclod. %JSr líud tlie brioí bat able speech oí IIüd. James Gütiirie, of Kentueky, ' ou the first pago of this sheet. It iá a clear and conciae statement of th poai tion of tlic Deipooracy, and endorses the noble letter ol Gen. McClellan as the correct iuterpretation of Üie Chicago Platform. No man can question the dovotion oí James Gutiikih to ihe (Jiiion, and nono but the veriest radical uill dispute 1)Í8 positioa.