Cassius M. Clay: For The Signal Of Liberty

Messrs. Editors: Permit me to say, that I om quite well satisfied, on ihe whole, witli the disposal you made óf my comtnunicatiori} sent you a few weeks since, with referenceto your strictures on the Inte conduct of C. M. Clayj while those wicked men of Lexington were taking measures to destroy or send away his press from that place. And as you have made public a part of that communication, U may be proper and right for me to make soine further explanations of the motives which prompted me to make those suggestions. First, there are those who represent the Signal, as opposed, on the whole, lo the course Mr. Clay is pursuing on the subject of slavery. Others, who cali themselves true and active abolitionists,are disposed to say, that the lidilors indulge too much ín a spirit of controversy or faultfinding, with those who may differ with them in opinión. Now while those persons do not likeall of the stricuresof an editor, if on this account, they withhold their influence in any way from he cause of liberty, or their support from such a paper, the evidence is against them, that they are more disposed lo find fault themselves. In regard to those minor points of difíerence between us, 1 am quite willing to leave nearly where you placed them, as "mere matters opinión." And as you further admitted, that "the assembiing of the individuals who composed the meeting, in itself - teastutional," this is all T ask for Mr. Clay on this point, as I suppose itto be the very idea he wished to convey; and that it was their acts after assembled wliich were not according to the laws of Kentucky. I only wish to put the best possible construction upon Mr. Clay's language tha it will admit of. He did not cali the "constitutional assemblage, a conclave ofcowardly assassins;" but it was the ƒ rst committee and heprobably spokethe truth. Next referring to the "sëcond specification," which l made, I wish to say, that, while I could but sympathize with Mr. Clay under thosecircumstances; I would ever remember the more trying situations ofthose who are imprisoned. scoiirged, and cruelly beaten, for acls of berievolence, in assisting the poor out of the hands f the ereat destróyer. And f,vé may have a few tears of sympathy "or those; there are yet very many to be hed as well as much llood, for those unier the most tryingof all situations, subfect to the most cruel beings on the face if the earth. Then I say Iet it be more listinctly understood, by all, that we have jut little time to contend about small natters, and that we are ever beholding he Vlood running from the wounds of the slave nr;d that our ears are ever open to their cries, and groara for deliverance. Furthermore, that we feel lo a certain degree 'as boundicilh those that are bonndS We are as a party assimilated tcgether with ties, that death itself cannot scver; having this advantage over the old parties who are contending merely about dollars and cents and seekmg the praise of men! íoes any snne man still think that Liberty men will yet becomeseparated in their feelings and actions, he must be blind indeed, and wretched; and might as well have a mili stone hung to hisneck, as to live in this day contmuing to oppose the giving of liberty to the caplive. In conclusión, I would say, that it s a matter of rejoicing that Mr. Clay hasgiven one eiTectual blow, even ifit wasgiven with a left handed stroke, and hit some where under the fifth rib; it made the Monster show himself in theahape of 60 beings ready to take lifeif they could not accomplish their design without. Then let Mr. Clay go ahead uuder the word "gradual," (because it seems a liltle softer to some) but it is" all the same in Dutch, to what the liberty party mean by immediately setting aboüt the work of giving the fatal blow aimed at the heart of the great dragoii, now so comfortably seated in the Congress of these otherwise United States.