Cassius M. Clay

One material círcumstance respcciing tlo rcmuval of Mr. Cltiy's press l'rom LexingtöD, ijd onc miicli lo h3 credit, was aai inenñouud in iiiy siuteiüent lïia't woéiwBefo' n wns icluu-d by Mr. CKiy h.imdl. In liia '♦Ajiel" lic -in s: On the morning' ofllio 18th of A.ignsT, George 11. Troltor, Judge of the city of Loxingtou, i.stied n legal proccss enjoining i he Truo American ofiicc mul all its appurtcriancp.s r.ml on demand 1 yielded uji tlie keys U the city m.'irsliiill. At 11 o'clock, qu ihe sanie dav about twelve hundréd persons assembled in the Court House yard; n Chairman and Socretary we re appointcd - a manifestó and resdiulions we re rrported by T. F. Marshall, and adoplcd. A eommitteo of sixty werc appointod to take down the press and type andsend them to Cincinnati. The eommitteo proceoded to Ihe Trlic American whore the mayor of the city, (wlio bv luw has the whole mililia of the city at liis commnnd,) James Logue, warned them that they were doing an illegal act, which lie was bound (o resist, bul ihat he was overpowercd by superior force, and yiclded tip posspssion and the keys. A fier boxing up the press nnd type, urid all the furnituro of the oflice and sending them to Cincinnati, they reportêd again to tlie meeling at the Court ííousc. nt 3 o'clock; and lifter a speech Irom Thomas Metcalfe, disavowing all connection wilh aholitionisni on the part of the W'higsof tventucky, the meeting adjuurnrd." Tlnis il nppcnrs tliat IMr. Clny (lid ?jí surrenIc'r hls 'csaltishnicnl inio ilie lüinds ol iliemob. )Ut'Ü wiis alirhfronl him by tliu lcg.il authoriies ol the cuy, ;iii(l by iliem dclivcrod to tlie tender niereics of the mul). The fultuwing extract from bis Appcal is all wc have room for to day. I. ül be sten from ibits Umi cur Btaiemcnts lost fall nbiiut the missionof Cüssius to ihe Norih are fully substnlitiatfd líe cnmc with the tii' apprbzitV' ol Henry Clny. i'or the ptirpose of exerting nu n.luence '-svith the Ami Slavery Anli-Texas voters of the freo States, wliich no oiber UIBD could," "and in aid of the. Whiff ct s." '1 am so far an abolltionist as ccflain men rmmcd George Washington and Thomas Jeflerson, ftnd sotne othor sücli i;fnnatics" who got together in 1776 and enunciated some vcry mad and !'incendiary" doctrines. I followed up the same Washington who, some years nfter that memorable event, declared that so far as dis vote could go towards the abolitionof slavery, it should never be wanting.- The same Washington, at some time subscquenl, liberated all bis slnves; I was :fiinatic" enotigh lo follow bis advice and cxainple, and would have others do ikewi.se, thinking it better to be just than icb. On tbc other hand, I nm opoosed 0 the violation of law in any respect, eit'ier for the purpose of liberaling a slave, or of murdering by mobs a loyal citizen. 1 look upon the rebels of the ISth, who bore dcath and anus in thcir hands in order to perpetúate slavery, os infinitely ower in crime and iafamy than the 'incendiary sect," if such there Ie, who would use similar means to libérate the slave. God forbid that I or my countrymen should forrn nn alliance with or submit to the despotism ofeither. Neither the Liberty party nor the Garrisonians hold any such murderous doctrines; they are monopolized bo the "respectable genlemen'1 of the 18th of August. The Garrisonian aboütionists are non-resistants; they hold with O'Cunnell that no revolution or changa of government is worth a single drop of human blood. - The Liberty party bolds the doctrine put forth by their convention held at Cincinnati on the llth day of June, 18-45. - They say of slavery "we believe that its removal can be eflected peaccahlg, constitutionaïïtj, without real injury to any, with the greatest benefit to all." So that if I wns an Abolitionlst ia its broadesl sense, there is no cause or excuse for any number of respectable gentlemen tocóme upon me and ninrder me, or trarnple upon the constitutional überty of speech and of the press. The Whigs cali me a Whig wrote to the Abohtionistson tlie llth of June a letter published in the True American where I callmyselfa Whig - the Abolitionists cali me a Whig- and ihe Democrats cill me a Whig; 1 hold the principies of the Whigs ol '7 6, "eternal resistance to tyrants"- and all the renrgades, apostates and trnitors in Kentucky shall not shake me from whateyermeasures I choosc to advocate, or from whatever men I choose to ally myself. NV hen my viait to the north is imputed to me ns n crime, and so voted by prominent whigs of Kentuck-y, it is time that I should ceuse to suffer in rpputation for their snkes and spcak plainly to them and the natlon. Timo after time did 1 receive the most urgent invitations from NVhigs of the North to come and aid the cause; vet as oftcn did I rel use. 1 had a great work to perform and did not wish to place my opponents on the vantage ground. For well did I know that wlmtcver honors I might roceive at the North would be construed by the enemiesofemancipation in Kentucy into an attiance with abolitionism. When at last, howcver, serious apprehensions began to be entertained that Texas would come into the Union with is unecfiml representation, slavery, and national dishonor : I feit it my duty to go and gi vo aid to the cause of rny country in whatever field of battlesho called me. 1 wenl by the advice of one oí the central committee for the NVhigs of Kentucky,- by special invitation from about fifiy NVhig clubs of the North- by the requpst bcforc and lifter my departuie ofourhundred and sixtecn committoe men, rcpresenting clubs, countics and conventions - by tbe ifresistable purauasion of fifty patriotic Whig woincn ofOhio - and lnrtofall by ilic tagit approval of tbe leader of the Whig party, ilcnry Clay. Tlic day before 1 left Lexington. I called upon Mr. Clay and told bun the purpQSos of my mission ; tbat it was llioligbt by our fricnds tbat [ could have an infiuence, Oom my peculinr position, witb tbe antislaveiVj anti-Texas voters of tho free States, which dq othcr man could, and ilint I was willing to go if I could aid tbc Wbig cause. Mr. Clay said notbing, hut tioddcd bis bcad, witb an npproving smilc; and after somo unimportant convcrsation heofl'ered me letters of inlroduction, wbicb 1 doclined as unnecessary. - Wbetber 1 accomplished any good tbere or not remainá for otbers to soy. It is ennugb for me to know. if I wcre vain cnougli to assumo to myself consideration wbich belongsto tbe vital interests wbicb were at stake in the canvass, tbat never didanyman of my nge in America draw togethcr so largennd intenscly iutcresting audiences. Tbe greatest intellect of tho nation, the grentes orator of any nge, said to me' "They had rather bear you than'me." The most lnrgc-souled, uncompromising men in tbc Union was pleascd to compliment me: "We regard you as one of ihe pillara of tbe great temple of of American liberty." 1 mention tlies? thingsnot wilh thesilly vanity of selfola(on5 - I knew tbcm imdeserved and tbe overflow of hearts touched with sympnihy for a man wbo had sufiered proserrption in the cause of justice and truth- for a man of proper feeling is less wounded by censure than unmerited compliment, and loves more to deserve praise than to receive it - hut because mucb enmity and denunciation have been pouied upon me hero, charging me with being tbe cause of Mr. Clay'c defeat, by my visit to the North, nndby forcing bim into the Gazette letter! "Tho Speed letter- ayc, the Spoed letter!" Well, tben. if tbe whole truth must be told, the Whigs of New York are sololy responsible for the efiect of tbat letter ifany it bad; lley publisbed l without my advice and in opposition to mij consent. Tho letter on its face ?hovs il po! f to bo confidential and not intended for the public eye. I have by ne. Mr. Spoed's letter apologizing for he aclion of his friends in publishing it n]his absence and without his consent, because of the eminent service it was hougbt it would render tbe cause. As sonn as Mr. Clay's letter to the Koniucky Ga zette was reeeived by me, I immediately sat down to a table and wrote to liim that 1 was grieved if had rnisunderstood his sentimonls. drawn as mv opinión was from liis whole bistory and repeated written declarnlions - that if he was not favorable to emancipation I regrettcd it on my own account - on his account - and on account of our common country. Tbat I was devoting myself unweariedly and honcstly to tbc success of that party whose triumph was to result in bis elevalion- but if Ae conceived me doing any injury to the cause that I would notogain open my mouth in the canvass. Mis answer was that, stolen from Ilorace Greely, and publisbed without my ever baving seen it, by iheDemocracy of New York. During my whole visit North. although I wascordially reeeived by the anti-slavery men of all parties; - I addressed uut two abolition meetings : and then it wastodefend the proposition of H. Clay and the slaveholders, that t;That is property whicb tljelaw rnake property." Every where among Abolitionists 1 made some enemies by defending ibis dogma, which now by tbe disrrgard of all law, avowed ontholSth, is ofno more efiect, but nuil and void. Every where among Abolitionists especially, did I make enemies by defending Henry Clay. How then dare Henry Clay's son and Kentucky Whigs sit in solemn conclave and vote me to be "the organ and agent of an incendiary sect"? And under this pretext to rob me of my property, and threaten mn with muider? To my brotber Whigs throughout the Union 1 appeal from this ungrateful and calumnious accusation!"