Press enter after choosing selection

From The Army

From The Army image
Parent Issue
Public Domain
OCR Text

y i ne loiiowing extract is lrom Mi rClny's Appeal, and s an eloquent an : able reply to the charge of exciting th s Slaves to insurrection by the publicatio '" of the fbllowing paragraph. a "But ve aro lold the enunciation c r the great and soul-stirring principies o Revolutionary patriots was ti lie - as c'ojr returns to his vomit we are to g e back to the foul and cast off rags of El p ropenn tyrnnny to lude our nnkedness )' slavery, the most unmitignted, the lowesi basest that the world has seen, is to b . substituted tbrever for our better, mor ; glorious, hoüer aspirations - theconstitu p tion is torn and trompled under (bot. jus n tice and good (aith in a nation are derided brute forcé is substituted in the place o high moral tone: all the great principie 0 of national liberty which we inheritet f from our Britísh ancestry are yielded upand we are left without God or hope ii - the world. When the great hearted o our land weep, and the man ol reflectioi r nmddens in ihe contemplation of our na r tional npostacy : therc are men pursuinj gain and pleasure, who srnile with con tempt and indifTerence at their nppeals ■ Hut remember, you who dweil in marbh ■ palaces - that ihere are strong arms ant t fiery hearls and ron -pikrs in the streels 1 and panes ófglcuss only bef ween tliem am , and the silver píate on thé board, and Uu l smooth slcinn cd woman on the otloman.- When you have mocked at virtue, deni ed the agency of God in the offairs o men, nnd mnde rapiñe your honied fnith tremble! for Ihe day of retribution is ni hand - and the massrs toill be avenged.1" " In the fourth and principal charge, the editorial already given, is urged against me. lt s true that I spoke ol .slavery, as I feit and fcnew it to be. VVhilsi 1 admit now, and ever have, Ihe humanity of many masters, and whilst I have never denouneed slavc holdcrs as a class, still I maintain that American slavery, its system, its laws, and its possible abuses, make it "the lowest, the basest, nnd the most unmitigated the world has seen." - The Jews had their Jubilees; the Romans and Greeks admitted the freedman at once into the class of maslers; the Turk makes his slave his wife and admi!s hnrequalily in the household; the Asiatic. and the A frican, and the European slavc fall not to the levol of ours. For here color, and natural difierences ofstructure and capacity, heighten the deformities ol slavery, and increase its difficukies, ití cruelties, and its dangers. On this question I spoke as one man to his equal - and who sball be my censors? It can be oflensive to none, but the basely guilty; if false, let it be proven! If true, let it be remedied. But as for mere clamor - I contemn it. "Go, show your slaves how choleric you are, and rnnke your bondmen tremble. Must I budge? Must I observe you? Must I stand and crouch under your testy himiors? By the Gods, you sliall digestthe venom of your spleen though it do split you." Impartial men must remember that this wns written by a man just able to wield a pen after a most dangerous and brain oppressing fevar. It is the dreamy abstract speculation of the invalid nurified by sufTering, unguardedand unsuspecting, becauseconscious of a high and elevated motive. It is not an invitation to evil, or a vicious gloating upon su (Tering foreseen, but the great yearning of a heart full of humanity, to save others from impending ruin. There are in it, I frankly admit, words which seetn to look to a servile insurrection, and to name such an event is, as the author of ':A Kentuckian" also otighf to know, to invite t. This I simpl)' regret. not on my own account, but on account of the cause which is more dear to mo than life. My war is upon slavery, not upon slaveholders - I repeat once more. As no man in Kentucky had more to lose, so no man had more reason than 1 to avoid even the suspicion of insurrection. All human probabilities conspire to sustain me, when I assert before heaven and sa rth that such a thought never entered my bead. Come then, ye testy cavillers, [ say the proposition is rue, in its letter.,, ind in its spirit, and in its broadest meanng! Yes, this much abused article, but reiterntes that virlut is the only secure basis for republics. Such has been the Joctrine from Longinus, running down arough all writers upon government till he final repetition of it in VVashington's arewell Address to the American people. The consciences of slaveholders bear estimony to its immortal truih, and neiher calumny nor murder can eradicale it 'rom the convictions of mankind. Needl nnintnin an argument to prove that slavey is subversive of virtue, and conseuently dnngerous to republics and deaih o liberty? Go, listen to your Hammonds nd let pulpit hypocrites stultify themelves and yon, in discussing and refuing the language, reason, and the irreressible axioms of the heart. Shall I :ontend ihat slavery is at war wiih the 'irtue and jostice of this nation? Behold ur broken constilutions - our violated aws - our tarnished fciith - our wounded )onor - our rapncious wars - our plunlering conquests - our insulted amba-ssaiors - our imprisoned citizens - our robed presses - our murdered people, and " Sene summa justiira, rempublicam geri inüa inoifo possu." - Cicfro. " I must ffiirly ell yon ihtu eo far as my principies are concern(). ihnt I hnvc no iden of liberiy nconnected vitli rlrw. Nor do I belicvc ihnt any good on--ri miions ot" {.'overnmcni can find ie neecssny lor tli'.'ir : -uriiy todoomnny pnrt of ihopeoi'e !o a ppi-mrioient slivcry." - Burko. ScejMorfiK(iipii'a d' Esprit -(les Sais i Vatrell1. Ls -.vs oí Ía;ion3 Fuloy eici Pusui,teJl me f I be a "fanntic" when 1 süi r. thatslavery threatens all law, and oui )d whole system of republicanism, the ruir .e of property and the loss of Ufe. Wheth n er then slavery stood by the avarice anc selfishness of tho farmer of Kentucky of the planter of Louisiana, the inanufdclu f rer of Lowel], tho cotton merchant ol a New York, the pork dealer of Cincinna. ti, or the speculators upon slave labor all i . over the union - I wished to appeal to the t, slrongest motives of the human heart. ie the love of money and the adoration ol women, to arouse them to its inevitable s_ and disastrous consequences. Will anj j, one ofthesomen teil me theguards which f they propose tothrust between the "silvet on the board," and the daughters ol wealth with hands unhardened by toil, n yes - the "smooth skinned women on the f ottoman," and the plundered poor, the n lawless whose e.xistence is presupposed by '- the very necessity of government at alH Come now, fastidious statesman, you whc 5 have had time to reflect, piense teil me e t lint I may in future avoid your wrath, and my country escape this great woe! ! Shall it be by law? That you have sace rificed to slavery! Shall it be by a long _ instilled and sacred reverenee for the Con- stitution? That you have trampled under !' foot! Shall it be an appeal to a common " interest between the rich and the poor, the only basis of republicanism? - You have separated the great mass of the American peopie from you, by slavery, by - studieri contempt and the impnssable bart riers of ignorance and povertyf - You will appeal toa strong government and a ; king - will you? Look back through history and learn that no republic has pasj sed intoa monarchy, without long years of blood and anarchy, in which perish property. men, women and children, and when are not spa red the siatues of dead . men, or the temples of the living God! ! The lnst clause in the article, which has been basely tortured into the present now, . everv sensible man will see is dependent upon the contingency, when, virtue lost. I It may be now, to-morrow, nest year, the ne.xt hundred years, and if virtue is ( never rooted out of the m inds of the peo. ple, never , Has it come to this, thaï I am be drawn up and publicly censured for speafcing in plain and mnnly language tomen, who order me to relinquish my bïrthright, or die. "Go tyrants, I am not y et a slcve." Are you men? Kentuckians, is not this shameful? Alas! have we so soon "lost the breed of noble bloods?" CCTIt seems by the Detroit Express, a zealous Whig paper, that mnny leading Whigs of this State, previously to the election, seriously contemplated throwing up theirorganization, tempororily at least. Says the Express, - ' During the summer, it was thought by many. and those too in whose judgment we have the greatest confidence, that the Whig-5 should make no nomination- no exertion to maiiitain the ground they already possessed. This conclusión was nrrived at by different individuáis through different processes of reasoning. some believing that ihere was no oblig.tion resting apon the Whigs to place themselves in the position of guardiansol those trusts which Locofocoism had so grossly misused, they were restored pure; others, with much' political tact, thought thot by wifhdrawing opposifion, tho dominant party would soon brenk up from trou'blfis, while a few, the subjects of impulse, thought the measures at stnke not sufliciently important to deïnand a warmly contested ennvass." Fjre. - A fire occurred on Saturday evening last in the Ashery owned by E. T. Williams, of this village. Thery was consumed, but by the cxertions of our Fire Company, the adjoining building, occupred by L. B. Walker asa tannory, was saved, considerably injured. - The kettles used n the Ashery were not mnterinlly injured. Mr. Wiïliam's loss, about-S200.- Argus. (tjThe Pntrinrchs are a very suspicious race. A comrnittee of four Quakers was }ate)y sent over from England to their brethren in Indiana. It seems that on their return through Cumberland, they called at the dwellings of the free negroes, and their apparent interest in that class of the population, awakened many npprehensions, the result of which wns, "a gentle hint" to leave. The


Signal of Liberty
Old News