Speeeh Of Senator Schurz

Senator Scluirz spoke on the political Í93UO8 of the day, at the Templo in St. Louis, on the evening of the 24th uit. We give the following extracta : After referring in general terms to the present condition of the public mind, the wide-spread and deep distrust and skeptic8in which have taken the place of confident assurance and sanguine expectations formerly prevailing, ho entered into a discussion of LOTJISIANA AFFA1RS. He reiterated his opinions expreased in the Senate, that Kellogg's government is an usurpation, but it had been recognized by the President, and when last week the McEneryites overthrew it, the President constitutionally reinstated it, and that was the end of the Louisiana revolution; neither is it the final remedy. A great wrong has been committed. The wrong does not consist in the interventiou of the President against those who, by foroe of arms, had driven Kellogg to tight, for the President acted in the exercise of his constitutional authority. Neither can, in a republic, the right of self-help by torce be admitted, for such an admission would encourage every party, every individual that has a grievance, either real or imaginary, to resort to force for redress, and a state of anarctiy would ensue which no political or special organization could withstand. But the jreat wiong was couiinitted there; it was when a Federal judge, palpably overstepping the limits of his jurisdiction, and perpetrating an outrage without precedent in our history, was supported by the power of the National Grovernment in the act of virtually creating a State government which had not the least evidenoe of an election by the peoplo ; it was when, even after the President had confessed his doubt, Congress neglected to undo the usurpation and to make room for those who had prima facie evidence of au election by the people. The wrong was committed even before that, and in more States than Louisiaua. It was when Federal officehokbrs in the South were penmtted to use their authority and prestige as a power in a partisan conflict, and for the support and perpetuation of partisan State governments, and the most rapacious and corrupt that ever disgraced a republican country ; it was when the keeping of Southern Statea was deemed more iiupor;ant than that they should have honest and constitutional governments. Nor waa that the only wrong committed in the South. There was another, and on the other side, when bands of lawless ruffiane infested the Southern country, spreading terror by cruel persecution and murder ; it was when helpless prisoners were slaughtered in cold blood ; it was when neither officers nor volunteers could be found to arrest the perpetrators of such bloody deeds, nor juries to convict them ; it was when the better classes of society contented themselves with condemnatory resolutiona and pious wishes, instead of straining every nerve to bring the malefactors to Justice ; and now it is said that many of the bloody stories which reach us from the South are inventions or exaggerations. That may have been, and undoubtedly in some cases was so, but we know, also, that many of thein were but too true, and that ihey cannot be explained as a mere defense against official robbery ; and the murdered victims were inostly poor Neroes, while the real plunderers went free ind safe. We know, also, that there is a ruflianly element in the South, which, unless rigorously restrained by all the power of society, will re8ort to bloody violence as a pastime, especially when it is permitted to believe itself engaged in partisan service and be safe under tha protection of public opinión. The Senator thon aays this etate of thinga we have to deal with, and asks, is there no remedy except the employment of force V He thinks there is, and proceeds to say : " There is no further attempt at anarchial movement on the part of the people of Louisiana, but there is another kind of anarchy which is just as dangerous to republican institutions and to the welfare of the Nation as the lawless selfhelp by force of individual and parties. It is THE ANARCHY OF POWER ; it is the lawlessness of authority. If you want people to respect and obey laws, convince them that those in power do not wilfully disregard them." He then refers to the fact that the election for a new Legislature is impending, that United States troops are professedly to enforce laws in that election, but wheththey be used impartially or not, will depend upon who controls them. This control will be, in a groat measure, in the hands of United States Marshal Packard, who, besides being Marshal, was one of tbe principal accomplices of Judge Durrell and Kellogg in the usurpation two years ago, and ia now the managing spirit of the State Central Committeo of the Kellogg party. This is not a fit psrson to control United States troopa to be used in that election. It is of the highest importance that, especially under existing circumstancea, the people of Louisiana should not only have a fair electiou, but also that they ahould be inado to feel they have one. Past performances and present functions in Mr. Packard are not calculated to inspiru confidence. I am sure the whole country would applaud an order ot' the President relieving Mr. Packard of his official duties, and the substitution of a man of such character that everybody will believe him incapablo of abusiug his power for partisan onds. He then argües that all Federal officeholdcrs of Southern States, who havo looked upon themsolves as mere party ageuts, using all their influence to sustain and strengthen the bloodsuckers deaolating that country, and probably, not in iuauy cases, oblivious of their own profit, be stripped of their official powers. Ho saya he was rejoiced a fow deys ago, on reading in a paper that the President was coutemplating holding a terrible inuster of Federal placemen in the South Never waa it more noceaaary. Let us hope that not a single one of those who have made the Federal authority a symbol of selfish partisan power and greedy oppression may escape him, and that the beginning will be made with Paokard and his associateB. But, he says, tho duty of the Government does not end hero. Congress should at once, on reassombling, undo the usurpation set on foot by a Federal judge and supported by tho United States Marshal and Federal bayonets and make overy citizon understand anc eel that while preserving intact the law'ul authoiity of tie Governinent, they are ready to throw aaid all selfish considerations of party interest when the rights and welfare of the people and the ntegrity of republican institutions are in question. On the other hand, citizens of the South must not be permitted to foret that they too have aduty to perform. The people of the North desire that they should have an honest aud constitutional government. Even a large inajority of Republicana in the North have long beeu leartily disgusted with the government of thieving adventurers whieh plundered the South, but when that public opinión was on the point of becoming so strong ;hat no partisan spirit in power could ïave long resisted it, what happened? - The bloody riot in New Orleans, in 1866 ; the organization of Ku Klux all over the South ; the butchery of Grant parish in 1873 ; the ïnurders of Conshatta ; the slaughter of helpless Negro prisoners in Irenton, Tenn., not to speak of minor atro;ities. What was the effect on the growing sympathy with the victims of jjlunder was turned into sympatliy with the victima of murder. It is to be hoped that by this time the people of the South ïave learned that those who disgrace ;hem by deeds of bloody violence are ;heir worst enemies. Let them act upon ;hat leason ; let them dissolve the White Men's Leagues, for every organization Dased on a distinction of color is not only wrong in itself, but harmful to both races ; let them make the Negro feel he has not ouly a willing but an acting protector in every good citizen ; lot them know that the most efficiënt mothods to fight the thieves who rule them is by relentlessly suppressing the murderous rufh'ans among themselves, who strip them of the sympathy of the country. Silent disapproval is nothing ; good intentions are nothing; mere public resolutions are nothing, only vigorous action will avail ; ouly the practical pumshment of malefactors will serve. They justly deinand that no thief shall find grace because he is a Deinocrat. Let party spirit cease to be a shelter to the criminal. No White Man's League will do them any good. An antiruffian league, of which every good citizen is an active member, is the thing the South wants. I say this as a true friend of the Southern people, who has more than once raised his voice against wrongs they have suffered, and I huil with gladness the spirit auimating the Governor of Tennessee, who does not rest until the murderers of Trentou are in the clutches of the law ; and in the charge of that Kentucky judge, who tells his grand jury that " if they fail to indict, not only ;he man who committed the murder, but also the sheriff, who wilfully neglected to arrest him, he will find grand jurymen in another county who will do their duty in that spirit which will relentlessly pursue the lawlesselemeuts as a coinmon euemy," there is salvation for Southern people. Let that spirit prevail in the South, and no partisan spirit in the North will be strong enough to baffle the sympathy which their misfortunes deserve. The South will again enjoy the largest constitutional measure of self-government, and one of the greafest of these dangers will disappear, which at present threaten the most vital part of our republican institutious. THE CIVIL RIGIIT8 BILL. After showing the bad effeots of teaching Negroes that their safety lay in organizatiou, as a race, against whites, and making them partisan supporters of corruption and robbery, and denouncing the men who did this as the cruelest and most treacherous and most dastardly enomiea colored people ever had, he discussed the Civil Rights bill. After saying that he could not support the bill because he regarded it unconstitutional, he said : " If it becomes a law it will break up the whole public school system of the South and nobody will bo greater sufferers than colored people. It was a well-known fact that in States containmg the bulk of colored population there existed widespread and po werf ui prejudiee against the introduction of a system of rommon schools, to be supported at the public expense. - We know something of that even in Missouri. It is equally vvell known that a large majority of the white people of those States, even a large majority of those who are sincerely anxious to secure to colored children the largest possible advantages of education in separate schools, still are very strongly, nay, violently, opposed to any law which, like the Civil Rights bill, would force the admission of colored children together with the whites in the same school-rooms. That opposition exists, and we have to deal with it as a fact. - Try to enforce, under such circumstances, the system of mixed schools, and that will be the result. The old prejudice against a system of public instruction to be supported by taxation, as it still exists in the States in question, will at once find itself powerfully reinforced. There is scarcely a greater misfortune conceivable that could befall these communities. Now they have, at least, separate schools at public expense as a part of the general system. Destroy that system and they will have no mixed schools, while their separate schools will perish also, Woulil the law then benefit the colored race at all ? A colored man might then enforce his rights to ride all over the country in a Pullman palace car ; to board at firstclass hotels and sit in the dress circlo of a theater; but such thiugs can be enjoyed under any circumstances only by the very small number of wealthier people among them ; and these pleasures and conveniences of their few men of means will be purchased at a dreadful price : the interruption of public schools, the advantages of which they now extensively enjoy in separate schools. It would deprive the children of the poor of a thing which is as necessary to them as their daily bread. But in other respects the enaotment of such a law would not be bcneficent to them. It would be a dangcrous venture to colored people if their position were made the object of strife, and under circumstances so un favorable. Now that they have the right of citizenship, it is much wiser for them to trust to the means they already have to make themsolves respected, and to leavo all else to the gradual progresa of public opinión which has already outgrown many a prejudice that a few years ago still seemed invincible. He then says : " The way to solve the most difficult problem of protection to colored people is in their own hands. Instead of exercising over one another a system of terrorism in order to enforce party discipline they should encouragje individual iudependence. Not in uniou is their safety, but in división." He thon cites as an example to them the adopted citizens of the country, who, aa long as they, in an almost solid body, etood together on the side of one party, the other thought of taking thoir rights from them ; but no sooner did they break their ranks, but both sides stood up for them. It is a lesson easily understood. As soon as colored citizous in the South shake off the odium which arises from their having, as a eolid organized niass, been the niain support of the worst kind of partisan rule; as soon as every ouo of them casts hin vote on this side or the other side, as his opinión or inclination may díctate, each party will make their protoction a special objoct in order to attract a majority of those votes; and whon these votes shall have become so numerous that the eolored voters become an important element in both parjbies, the fullest measure of protection will be afforded thetn. That will do more to stop bloody excesses in the South than any military interference, and more to establish just relations between the two races than any Congressional legislation. He then enternd on an elabórate discussiou of the finanoi quostion, and dwelt at soum length on State affairs. "With many stripos we ate healed," said a bright-witted but degradad young man to a Mead who was lioused a la mode. A man advertises in a New York paper for a bar-keeper " who must be recommeaded by liis pastor."