[Wo Inve on hand responsea (o our circular, of all kinds, making n roll Ibriy fret n lengt!), frpin ilficf n or (yniy paper.. We luid iliem by ror refercnce sonic iwo or thrcc yenrs lienr e : but in compliancc with the wishes of respected friends we will puhlish a number of artieba oÃ± the ncaiivc. Wc cotumonco this weck ly cuttingcÃFlbur feet ofour ro!! Ã¡t randoni. coniprising nrticles frosn Maine, New York. end Pennsylvnnia. We knÃ¶w Ã±Ã³t thni we necd t s.iy anything on tho nrgnment3 here advonced. lf tho Liberty be designed to be a U-tÃ¡potary pnrly,v!t'iout nny design or :iim al e ptniry.orgnnized to cnrry only a single nionsuie Ã¼yacling on olher partics, the;i the conrso recohvruer.djd by our broilior of tho Liberty Press s the right 0:10. We p'tould preach nbolition every where, and nothing cl.ic. Bui if tbo Liberty pnrty be designed to be permanent, naiionnl. general in its scope, and to cnrry ovt the principies of Et}iMi. Riohts in nll Ãs legitÃmate conseqnences and ;ipplicafÃoÃ±Si (as has boon nfllrmcd in sbtistance by thrce Naticnnl Liberty Conveniions) it must take ground 011 oiher questions of public intore-st. or it cann.ÃI bccome such a nuional nud perma nent party. This 3 a plain statement of the ca?o. Did wc hold to the premist s oftho Liberty Piop. wc -.vould adrrÃit its conclusiÃ³n. But if fmthful to the principies avowed hcretoforÃ¨ in its Nntional Cohvention. v: look for a (ieatiny for the Liberty party dlflerent from speedy ann:hilatibn.j E. SiÃ¼kal. Frotn the Bangor (Maine) GnziMtc. "POSITIÃ'X OP TKE LinEUTY P.VRTY." Wo have i'eceiyed Irom our co-Jaborers, the faithfÃºl & devoted editorsoftlieSignal ofLiberty, n communicitioii oh (he subject indientod by the head of this article, with a request that we give it a place in our paper. This we shall do as soon as we can do it failhfuly. In the mean time we are willing lo define our position - vhicl) we belteve is the position of nearly every Liberty man in Maine - on this question. We regard tho proper position for the Liberty party to sustnin' for tho present to be the very ono tliey have heretofore sustained. Leave qncstions of policy as open questions, and ndhereunfÃ¼nchingly toour one idea. Ourposition Ãs a waiting position - the true conservativo party of the Union. Our , country will have need of us - Jet us wait patiently - vigilantly - actively - but by no means commit ourselves to a policy which will repel a large portion of the people of the United States from any sympathy with our views. Let us stand to our arm1?, n.ud wait - keep uj) our discipline, and wait - keep our powder dry, and wait. New Hampshire has feit the benefit of this - and has been revolutionized by a few thousand votes; and other Stntes will soon be revolutionized in the same manner. Our object is less to build up a central power through a new party, than to pour the leaven of our holy principies into all parties, andsects. We are willing to bide our lime and labor, waiting in faith. So far from agreeing witli brothers Beckley Fosler that "as a Liberty Party nearlv all has been done for the cause of emancipation that can be done until the party" principies shall be enlarged, we believe ! "the party" now is, "such an one, in all respects, as the interests of the country demand." In conclusiÃ³n, we will sa y that the! basis proposed could not be generally ! satisfactory n this section of the Union. ' Some of the points are trivial, sonie of ! doublful e.xpediency, others too indefinite to rest on for a moment. From the ÃÃ¼ca (N. Y.) Liberty Press. As an act of courtesy to our brethren, the editors of the Signal of Liberty. (Michigan,) wegive theabove a place in our columns. We dissent cntirely, however, from the positions they have assumed and the courso they recommend. We dissent from the expediente proponed to gel voters, and from the idea ihatsomcthing should be added to our distinctive antislavery character to win favor. For what may be altractive lo one may be repulsive toanoiher ; and the adoption of new tests is not only bad faith nmon brethren who have magnanimously consented to lav asido their peculiarities of political opiniÃ³n, lo rally around the antislavery issue, but in the estimation of the public will be regarded as compromising j the point thal gives us our power. W e dissent Irom the idea that a. code uf politicsis demanded to so adorn r.iul beautify our ':ono idea" as to tÃ¯iake il' "toke" with the masses. lt is the prospecls of near and speed y success lhfit moves the masses ; and tlie aJoption o!' new tesis and new objecls ennnot aiford such a prospect, but en the contrnr}' mus! weaken the allachrnont ofmany old grenadiers without securing an cqual number if new recruil?. This we cllow is i juing the question on the ground of ( licncij ; but the fault is not ours from the [ act that the editors of ihe Signal have jased their arguments upon it. Wc concede and steadi'astly niairilain that the Liberty party is bound to bc governcd by justice and mercy on al] subjecls that come within the sphere ofils infiuence; but it does not follow that it was brought inlo being to aboÃ¼sh general abuses in government, or that it cnmc up info existence from olher than anti-slavcry considerations ; or that we are bound, Ãn advance, lo specify the manner in which the varimis questions affect ing government shall be disposed of. The party iat is holnest and pajrÃaÃic enough to carnestly mak e the aboiition ofslavery its prime idea, gives the highest gnaranly of ts trustworthiness on all questions that any party can give. We want r.o higher professions of love for man and all his interests than such patriotistn furnishes. And a party that shall reach the sublime object of overthroÃºing slavcry will reach a point in po'itical achievements infinitely abovc any that bas been reached for the last fifty yrars let that party do what it may in relalion to tarifis, banks, kc. But "if we rofuse to do this, wc are a short-lived" party, say our respected brethren of the Signnl. Would our brei h ren to prolong our lives, have us commit suicide, by reorganizan on? For the adoption of tho tests proposed by them, would as truly make us a new party, as the adoption by the whigs of an antislavery test would make that a ncw party virtually changcd in its character. - Gerrit Smith bas never proposed to make the Libcr'.y party less "temporary" than slavcri, tho high-handed abuse it was organized to overthrow; but this proposition to rfimodel, proposes to number its days before it has seen its teeiis. I?ut in the conclusiÃ³n, our brethren predir.t, thai if the Liberty party does not re-model, n'nolhef party will come up, "take ts place, do its work," kc. But we do not seo that reorganizalion is to prevent (ho coming up ofan olher autislavery party that may takc the wind out jfoÃºrsaÃls, unless it is anticipaled that Ihe new party is lo come up from the Democratie party, and with denocratie instincts, and so be a'Uracted to us by the2 new issues we may adopt. Weputiti r sensible men. whether the reorganizRtio t ofthe Liberty party as proposed, do r not open a wide door for onother ant ' slavery party- either based upon a "on i idea" issue, or based upon politics advers ' totliose which the new Liberly part may adopt ? But if the editors of th â Signal anticÃpate that the new party is ti i arise from among the Whigs, and henci infer that it is necessary for us to adop politics tinged strongly with Locofocoism as d means to keep onr men f rom goint over to the Whig anti-slavery party, ri dissent bolh on the score of principie an( policy. Oh ihe score of principio, be cause as defectivo ns Whig politics ma} be thought lo be, they are not so wickec in our estimation as to deprive a Whie party of support should it earnestly undertake, by practicable mean?, the abolition of slavery. We have been in enrncst, and acted from principie, when we have affirmed that "otlier interests" are of minor consideration lo that of Liberty and tho emanciparon of tbo slave ; and now to make such "interesls" of equai j importance to the liberation ofthe slave. i to insist on obtaining ttem along with it. j would be in our opiniÃ³n, Jo stamp ihal 1 principie with fnlsehood. On the score of policy, for tbe reason, tliat we are not assured that a iocofoco abolition party, made from Liberty party material, woulc compete very successfully with a WhU abolkion party. We doubt very.much a policy that caÃ keep two earnest abolition parties apart and so distrust ful are we of the polic that we have no faith in expedientÃ© ti prevent it. We do not adniiÃ that there are tuo such parlies in existence, bu -ihould there ever be, both principio, poli cv, and philanthropy, demand that thev should be one, and that the niembers ol them should seek tocornbine their powers for thb nccompli.slnnent of a com'mon object. The fearthat another party mnv arisc and 'do our work,' is (fÃe last reason we should urge eilher on the score oÃ policy or principie for reorgnnizing the Liberty party. Such in brief are a few ofour objections to rcorgnni'ing, or adding new oly'ects (Ã³ the Liberty pnrty. Bul should the work of hitching on be commenced, it is diffi cult to i'ind a stopping place ; for it is doubtful whether our brethren of the Signal have got evenj good thing into creed, at least in thc eslimation of many person?, houever mucÃi lh?y may cheaish the principie iÃ embodÃes. In thus entering our dissent ngainsf the policy of the editors of l'fiÃ³ Signal, wc hop thosÃ¨ brethren wÃl.l not suspect us of JVh'g instinctÃ©. We have never bcen a Whig' nor been educa ted to reverÃ© Whig measures; but on thc contrary have ahvays volcd straight Democratie and Liberty tickets - fiirst Ãor Jackson, thÃ«n for 'an Bumyhen for Birney. Ilowever, thc adopt ion by the Liberty party of principies into whÃch we were educated by our oÃd part'y relations, cannot increase our love for the Libeily party. Noy, wc lovo that party the more, Ãrom the fact that ils members havq consented to forego cherished "interosts" for the noble object Ã³f dclivering the spoiled out of the hands of thc oppressor. And iinloss we greatly mistakc thc sentiment of Democratie Liberty men, thevwij] not !eel more plcased with tho Liberty party in being cornpellcÃ¼ toricir.andi ing of the Whigthe Ã¡liandÃ³Ã±frfeni of fiis peculiar views and ihc adoplion of Democratie sentiments asa condition' ofecI operalion. The concession is too much on onc sidc to bc fraternal or comport v.iili the lollow feelingofequal brctliren. And to assunie that a Vhig LibiTly man is not os honcst and intelligent as a Democratie Liberty man is a species of bigotry that we have no fellowship with ; and to stop and disciiss tlio relnlive claims of the two portions of the Liberty party to enlightened piiilanlhro'py woulcl be but to revive animosities that have long since been quite buried, and long postponc if not defeut the object of oiir organization. From tbc Anicrit m Cilizon. P.iÃÃ.tJi 'phin. POSITION OP THE LlUERTY PaRTV. - We publish in the proper columns, an article wilh this caption, from the friends whose names nre subscribed to it. We cheerfully comply with their request. Thcir views are clearlv and frankly presentcil, and wc commend them to the consideration of our readÃ©re. Our (iwii views, liowever - and we express thÃ©m with givat dcferencÃ³ to our brcthren - are dccidedly ngainst thcir recommendation. VTe do not think it necessary to go into an cxamination of the various pointsstatcd in thcir commumcation.' WÃ¨ may, pÃ©rHaps, gofully into the matjeis at som'e future time. Wc wish, now, to rcfer to the maÃ¯n argument of our iriends - that the Liberty party ennnot succeed on the Anti-Slavery bnsis alone, that it can succeed by taking a correct pobition on othcr question3 of0 politicnl interest. We dissent from then n entirely, on both sides. If the Libert s party can ever succeod at all, h will b' - by maintaining its present position; A: e enlightened - an intelligently selfish pee e pie will sustain the movement, whicr. y abo ve all others, is calculated to preserv B and advance their interest.?, and, whjcl 5 less than all others, interferes wjth thei ; general and settled principies. Nov t we mairitain such is the character of th , Liberty movement. lts success would b r the advancement of every honÃ¨st interes ) in the Country. _ It is noÃ nÃ©cessary t 1 go into the general anti-slavery argumen - licro. We have ahvays said - and wi vet believe - that the abolition ofslaver I would be a blessing to all classes of tin r people. Can we prove this to thom?- , Can we cominee the manufactÃ¼rer tha freemen will require more goods thanth slaves? And politicians, that the slavc holders are determined to ruleor ruin?- â And the political economist, that slaven destroysthe wealth of the country Anc the peace man, that slavery continually places us in a hostile attitude towards every freo nation with whom we have any connection? And the friends of education, that slavery is the deadlicst foe to , every thinglike general intelligence and impi-ovement? And the philanthropist, , that slavery is killing the body, destroying the mimi, imbruting the very soul ol threb millions of our fellow men? Anc th whole people, of evevy class, of Ã¨vÃ©rj , fecling, of every degree of humanity an ; intelligence that slavery must be abolished or our country ruiÃ±ed, bevond the hope o , rl-.lemplion? And if wc can thus con , vince tliem, will they not lny aside all mi nor matters and join Ã¼s in destroying the . common encmy? This communication has noÃ soÃisfied us thcy will not. Assuredly, if they wil] abolish slaveiy in any manner, it will hg by meeting on oiw ground. For it, less than any other possiblc position, interferes with thcir views on all minor questions, â and, more than any other, is calculated to advance the general interest and welfare. In this movement, they are not askÃ©d to giyÃ¨ ujp their opinions abo ut Banks," SubTreasurics, Tarifli, Frec. Trade, Land Distribution, and Public Improvements. They simply consent that these questions shall remain tmdecided, until the infiniteiy greater qupstions of Freedom and Sl'averv shall have been settlcd. The cantlidatcs of the party take no partizon , ground in relation to them, and henee no man, in sÃ¡ppÃ³ftmg thcir nomination and placing thÃ¶m in office sacrifices a principie or yiclds an opiniÃ³n. We maintain, therefore, that all frec hearted, honestmiffdÃ¨d men may join our Liberty movement, on its present foundation, without any, compromiso. Could this be said of the party, if our friends' recommendation should be adopted? To ask the question is to give its answer. In Pennsylvania, ncarly all our friends would taRe the othcr side. Ilcre would the seed of JissÃ©nsion be sown at once. It will not avail our correspondents to say, that we should be willing to give up our TarifT views for the sake of the slavc. Personally, we are. EvÃ¨nsbould this sacrifice be demarided - and to us it would be Ã¡ great onÃ¨ - we should not hcsitÃÃte. But would thÃ© friends of the Tariflj now acting with the other parties be willing? WÃ¨ believe not. - Certainly, we are not willing to suljinit thÃ© freedom of the slaye to thÃ© chances of thÃ©ir decisiÃ³n in his favor. But ossÃ¼ming that they would - 1 there any reason why they would not be more willing to ' join any antislavcrv party, which rested n the single foundation of freedom, and in which this sacrifice would not be demandeÃ¡ of them? And if tiiey would - J ivhy run the risk of requiring the c fice. ÃBut we will stop. Wc do not wish to castanything' unnecessarilv, in Mio way of our brethren. Wc believe thÃ©m fo b'e sincere, but most decidcdly in error. We trust, however this question may be eventually decidÃ¨d, tbat thpy will not bÃ¨ discouraged.' WÃ¨ have no reason to" coniplaim of' our past progress; The minds of a pÃ©oplÃ© are not to be clianged in a day. Wc know the hotfrs pass licavily vfith ihe slave. God pity hirn. Were 't possiblc, wc would strike ofThis fetters it a single blow But wc rnust bide our time. Fearful influcnces ticÃ© against us - and we must overeÃ³me thÃ¨m. Heavy responsibilities are upon us - and they nlÃ¼st be dischareced. Without concession or compromiso - making" no shifts of Ã¨xpÃ©tlitMicv - exercising our highest wjsdom an'd not i'orgetting our carly faith, let us still prÃ©ss home on the popular rriind the truths we have avowed - remembering that the All-Merciiul still rulÃ©s thÃ© world.