Letter Of Hon. O. M. Barnes

Hon. Foster l'ratt, President Democratie State Convt'lition : Dear SlR - Your coininunication of July 19, notifying me officially of uiy nouiinatiou for (iovernor by the Democratie Stato Convention, and asking aio to accept such nomination, was duly roceived. I also received at the same timo the resolutions referred to in yours. üwing to business ongagemonts and absence froru home I have not found it convonient to sond you an answer sooner. As you aro woll aware this nomination was not sought by ino. I am, however, deeply sensible of the honor it eonforti and the obligation it imposes. My appreciation is augmented by the high charactur of the convention, composed as it was, in an unusual degree, of men eminent in the various avocations of life. The genius of republican government dèmands that tho citizon shall undcrtake such publio duties as his fellowcitizeng assign him. In compliance with this, I accept tho nomination. I t hink myself fortúnate in being ussociated on tho ticket with men so well fitted as my colleagues are to fill with honor to themselves and profit to the State, the various offices for wbich they are numinated. I have carofully read the platform adopted by the conveution and I fully approve the same. It must be gratifying that its approval by the people is so cordial and general. It is no doubt true of this, :is it necessarily is of all condensod statements of the kind, that further utteiances in perfect accordance with the views of a large part of the people and the public interest uiight have been added. Those who think such should have boen made should bear in mind that details cannot bo expocted in platforms, and also that tbe action of the Democratie majority in Congress, in reduciug expenditures, remonetizing silver, stopping the contraction of the currency and the like has already carried uiany things which have receutly been under public discussion into the list of accomplished faets, and has settled the line of policy as to others. The question of most absorbing interese at the present time relates to the fínances of the country. The evil ef fects and unequal provisions of existing laws on this subject have awakened an intense interest. All must admit the reasonableness of that sentiment which demands, in the language of some of the platforms, a currency that shull bo the bame to all, and that the bonded debt 8hall not be increased, but be re duced as rapidly as consistently may be. Important as the curiency question is - and it can hardly be over-estimattd - I think there are other questions involved of equal importance. Yet the parainount public interest in the currency is certaiuly natural in view of the financial distress that weighs so heavily on all business. The occurrence of more failures during the iirst six months oí 1878 than in any similar period before, is not calculated to lessen public auxiety or satisfy it that the stringency is passed. The careful reader of our flnancial history for the last sixteen or seventeen years will be compelled to adiuit that we have lot as a nation five or six hundred million dollars at least by reason of tho errors committed in the management of our national finances. Duriug all this titne we have been passing over a poriod of bistory deinanding a wise and comprehensivo plan. Yet uioasures of finalice have partaken of the character of temporary experiments rather than of a financial system. Our condition to-day, and the state of public opinión on the subject, are but the natural results of drifting without a policy. They are the proper outgrowths of the school of nuance represented by that agent of the United Status, who maintained that "a national debt is national wealth, and a national debt may be made a national blessing." Practice, under the inspiration of such views, necessarily results, both with individuals and nations, as is shown by the career of the financial agent referred to and the present state of our country, in the bankruptcy of tho one and financial disaster of the other. The experiences of Englaud, of Franco, and of our own country ought to have doterred our rules from the graver errors from which we now suffer. But we cannot -act to-day as though no error had been committed. Wa must take things as we fiud them. Tho 8ituation existing indicates the duty of tho hour. Fortunately, however, upon this financial question the position of parties ia being clearly defined and fully understood. Tbree positions are being niaintained, One part of our people maintains that the treasury notes must be wholly and speedily retired by payment or conversión into interest bearing bonds. Another part of the people insist that additional treasury notes, or somo othor form of paper inoney, shall be issued to pay off our eutire bonded debt. The Democratie party occupies upon this question, middle ground. It opposes, on the one hand, the further conversión of greenbacks into interest bearing bonds, and on the other, the ruinous inflation of the currency and the issue of irredeeraable paper ruoney. The policy of retiring the United States notes by funding them into United States interest bearing nou-tuxablo bonds, has always been maintained and steadily pursued by the Republican party. It was incorporatod into the very law whicb created the greenback currency. That act is entitled "an act to authorize the issue of United States Treasury notes, aud to próvido for the redemption or funding thereof." In the act provisión was mado for funding the notes into interest bearing coin bouds, oxompt from taxation. A part of the first section reads as follows : "Any holder of said United States notes depositiug any sum not less than fifty dollars, or some multiple of fifty dollars, with tho Treasurer of the United States or either of the Assistant Treasurers shall receive in exchange therefor an equal amount of bonds of the United States, coupon or registered, as may by said holder be desired, bearing interest at the rate of six per cent per annum, payable semi-annually." In section 3, it is among othnr things provided : "And all stock, bouds and other securities of the United States, held by individual corporations or associations within the United States, shall be exempt from taxation, by or under State authority." The samo policy bas ever since prevailed with that party. It is conspicuous in the act creating the national banks, in the various acts authorizing increase of bank cur rency, and in the contraction of the greenback curreucy. It appears notably in the Resumption act, where further provisión is mado for retiring greoubacks and putting out national bank notes in their stead. In short, it gavo character to all the legislation in regard to tho currency so long as that party had a majority in both housea of Congress. The administration of the Treasury was all the time in full accord with this financial plan ; a plan which has always looked iorward to the time whon tbe debt of the nation shall be represeuted by interest bearing bonds, and all the paper money be national bank notes. Will this bebest? Will this be best at least in the present situation of the nation? That this course has not been universally approved by llopublioans themsolvcs has boon abundantly shown by the action of individuáis both in Cougress and tho country ; still it has been the party policy. It was in direct opposition to this policy that Congress at its last session, by the exertion of tho Democratie inembers, passed the resolution stopping the contraction of the curroncy, and that the late Democratie State Convention declared in one of its resolutions, "We are opposed to the further ibrciblo contraction of tho currency, and we approve the action of Congro8S prohibiting such contraction." It must bo causo for regrot that those who oppose this policy of contraction and of funding groenbacks into interestbearing bonds should be so divided among themselves as to ondanger their cause, whon by uniting tbey become fully able to prevent the evils they fear, and to briug about the measuros of relief so imperatively demauded by the public good. That the sole responsibility for evils existing in our finaucial system rests with the party that has boen in power the pust eighteon years all see. For yi'iws that party has made and unmade laws at its pleasure. The administrution has always been in its hands, so that all the measuros and policie8 complained of, even by the "Nationals," originatod with, and were carried into effect, by the party in power. If the laws unduly favor the moneyed interests of the country, and oppress labor and depress the industries, it is because that party made them so. The issuing of the bonds, and exempting them from taxation, tho making of greenbacks convertible into bonds, the making of currency bonds payable in cuin, the contraction of currency, the domonetization of silver and the like were its work. It opposud the remonotization of that metal, and when the bill passed Congress it was vetoed by the President. The oxtravaganco, mal-aduiinistration and official corruption coinplainod of so bitterly all occurred uudor the same party control. Ou the other hand, what has been done to relieve the situation has been done by tho Democratie party. When the opponents of any party are divided, that policy may continue so long as it can comiuand the support of one-third of the votes. The existence, therefore, of threo parties is a real obstado to needod reform, a state of th ngs gratifyiug to the party complained of, and is in itself oaluulated to ï'oster extreme views dangerous to the interests of the country. Extremes are rarely safe in political ull'airs. Experience is a safer guide than uniried tueory. The members of the Green - back party diffur widuly among themselves. The organizations in different States differ widely in opinión. In Michigan its members do not, so far as I know, favor the extreme views boldly proclaimed in the platforms of the party in adjoining States. Some of these are wholly incompatible with tho genius of our peoplo and subvorsive of their interests, and tend to uudermiue ihu foundation of civilizatiou ilself. For example, some of them favor a foroed división of real estáte, and inany of tlxün " demand," in the language of the New York natioual party platform, " tho immediate calling in and paymeut of all bouds in absolute paper money, without regard to the time they are made to run on thoir face." Thiugs so adverse to the moral notions and interests of tho peoplo of Michigan can of course find little support with U8. But the fact that the real views of (hose in Michigan connectod with that organization do not agree with the views of the party as professed and proclaimed in adjoining States, would seeni to be good reason why they should no longer act with that organization. To issue greenbacks, and much more to issue the irredeemable paper called absolute money for all our bondtd debt, would immediately impair and ultimately destroy the character of that curreucy. Depreciation would be inevitable. This currency would no longer be a nieasure of valué, but a means of cheating tho poor. It would likewiso be repudiation, and repudiation is not to be thought of. Experience has fully demoustrated, after huudrods of trials, that no paper monoy is safe as mouey, or suitable as a measure of value or an instrument of exchange, except it be maintainod at par with coin. I notico many of the platforms of the National-Oreeuback party admit that all paper money must be maintained at par with coin. Now, no way of effecting this has evor been found, except the making of it convertible into coin. To think of maintaining the irredeemable paper called absolute money at par with coin is as unreasonable as would be tho effort to maintaiu a grocer's scales at equipoiso with a pound of tea in one side and a slip of paper marked " one pound " on the other. There is no way of determining tho value of paper money but by compariug it with coiu or some articlo of intriusic valuo. Were we to attempt the actual practice of this theory, all would soon find tho fruits of years of bard industry turned to dust in their hands, and they would be left prostrated, defrauded and robbed by a baseless theory that would couvince us that if we can but imagine that a thing has value and name it so, it is all the same as if it had. Of what value can that bo which has no intrinsic value of its own, and promises nothing, when the fancy that gave it currency is gono? It will be ohaff without wheat in our hands. The people of this country are uow entering upon a severo trial of their virtue and intelligeuco. They are asked to do what iutelligenco coudemriB as hurtful and morality forbids as wrong, on iho specious plea that it will be for their interest, lnjustice can never be for our real good. It remains to be seen whethor they eau be seduced into immoiaüty or bliuded to their true interest so as to do themselves a fatal injury. I tirmly bolieve their intelligence and virtue will provo equal to their trial and that the decisión and action will be wise and right. In declaring that coin is tho basis and that all paper money must be convertible into coin the Domocratic convention but declared a fiuancial truth that all must admit to be correct. It seeuis to me that the middle ground occupied by the Democratie party upon tliis tinancial question is the only safe, honorable, pratriotic and profitable ground to occupy. It demands houetst money, doing justica to all - hoiicst monoy as woll as honest coin. The plan which would convert all greenbacks into bouds and the plan that would convert all bonds into greenbacks are aliko wrong. What thon is our propor course!' The continuance of the policy pursued for years past will be hurtful. This is domonstrable by the injury it has done and is procduciug. So muoh is clear. That the the opposite policy of boundless nflation and irredeemable curruncy will also be disastrous is shown by its disregard of the laws of financo and of all tho teachings of history. The palh of safoty is apart from each extreme. The convention but expressed the sentiments of tho whole people when it declared in favor of the lowest rate of taxation, both Stato and national. Our publio expenditures have been, in the judgment of all, very great : our taxation, ia consequence, very oppressive. As stated ia the platform, this ex travaganco has extended tú towns, cities States and the nation. What justification can theru be for the recent groat iut'rease in the ordiuan expenses of the natioual governuieut Y These, exclusive of the auiount paid for pensions and interest on thu public debt, are more than doublé what they wero under the last Democratie adoiin istratiou. The increase bas been far more rapid than our growth in population. These oxpensus then averugec $1 94 for each inhabitaut. The sume now average $3.40 for each. The great and unnucossary increase in the number of offieers and governmuiit employés, growing largoly out oi the fact thal oñiues are made une of to reward partisaus for party sevicos, has been a fruitiul cause of increase of expenses, The practico so boldly pursuud by tho present admiuistratiun of assessing govornmeut office holders, eiuployes and contractors for money to defray tho exponses of party campaigns is another cause of this increuse of expense as wüU as corruptiou at the polls. Theso assossmonts are but an indirect way of collecting of the poople the money used by the party in power for election purpoBes. What is thua collected of ofticeholders has to be tirst coltected of tho poople boforo it is paid over to tho election uommittee. The Democratie majority in tbc lower house of Congress certainly deserves the tbanks of the country for what it bas accomplished in the way of reducing expenditures. With only a partial control over public affairs, it bas succeeded in inakiug a reduction of our national expenses of millions of dollars. Greater economy may still be expected to follow when all the departments of the government come under the same control. Why sbould our national expenses be greatei now, notwithstaudiug the bard times and low wages, thau they formerly were ? Private corporations, families and individuals have reiuced expenses to correspond with the couditiou of things Should not the State do the same ï We have also at times carried a large surplus iu the State Treasury, long in advance of the public needs. Tho rule of taxation wbich requires that rovenues shall not be collected of the people before they are neoded by the State is too fundamental andjmportant to be departed froui without Berious detriment. Of course adequate provisión must be made for meeting the obligations of the State. On the other band, the money required for public purposes must be left in the hands of the people as near up to the tmiu it is to be paid out by the State as possible, to tho end that it may not lay idle in the public treasury and the people be not depri ved of it long in advance oí its use by the State. The four per cent. which the State gets on depoBits js nothing compared to the iujury which the people suslaiu by being required to pay so long in advance. The fuuds so held in the treasury are withdrawu froin business. This, if the auiount be large, tunds to stringency in mouey and toaggravateexisting business depression. That much may bo done also to siinplify our present tax machiaery I fully bolieve. Important as tho reduction of taxes is, it is but one of the measures of relief demanded. For five years business has been prostrate, our great industries paralyzed and labor, to a great uxteut, without remunerativo work. The stringency has been uuexampled in severity and duratiou. Tbis state of things has not been the result of a single act or error of the govornniont, but of inany errors. To correct these should engage the attention of all, and laying aside minor differonces all should unite to rescue the government from the control of rings and replace it in the hands of tho peoplo, and to replace business on its feet, to restore our dead industries to life and activity, and to obtaiu for labor profitable employmeut. The official corruptions that have causad so much loss and disgrace to the nation, and the fraud tbat wronged the uation out of the election of 1876, are in the resolutious justly arraigued and condemned. This is in accordance with conscieutious convictions of all partios. It ia a necessary cousequence of our moral nature that we coudemn fraud and wrong. While at one time there were houost differences of opinión ainong the people as to wuo was elueted President in 187G, such difforences do uot to any extent longer exist. The irrefragablo proofs of tho facts, and tliofitinl full confessiou of many of those eugage in perpetrating the crime, havo left no doubt of tho fact, that by a great wrong, as well against tho principies of freu goverument as of this geueration of men, the people's choice was disregarded and overruled in the canvass of votes and declaring tho result of the election. Sucb an offense as this against the rights of election has no such suitable rebuke as a condemnation at the polls. Prauds on the electiou, at the eloction should bo condemned. In this connectiou it may be obsorved that the appointment to important offices by the present adininistration, immediatoly on its coming iuto power, of so many of the peoplo who wore oonnected, as actors, advisers, or othorwise, with the canvass of votes and the making of elections return in Florida and Louisiana, is strong confirmation of the allegation of fraud in tho canvass of votes in those States. When the further fact is considerod that inany if not most of thoso men were wholly unfit to receive the offices to which tbey wero appointed, aud under ordinary circumstances would not have been recommended or appointed, the coufirmation is greatly etrengtboried. And when it is still further shown, as ali uow admit ia the case, that somo of the men are old offenders, fit instruments to pnrpetrate such frauds, lbo proof bocomes undoubtable that, in pursuance of a bargain, the great office of tho President of the United States was awarded to one wbo was not elected, and in return otber great offices givon as a reward for the great wrong. The work of civil service reform does not soem to have made much progress duriug the last two yeara. How could it be expeoted of those brought into power by so great a fraud ? The rotention of uofit mon in office, the nppoint ment of men to office whore no services were to be rendered and none expected, merely to enablo thern to take the salaries, aro not calculated to assure the nation that the aduiinistration seriously means reform. The country is to be congratulatod on the good resulta that have followed the sucouas of the Democratie and Liberal party wherover it has come into power. In the Soutb, where plundering of the people, violonco and discord provailed, concord, peaco and the conditions of prosperity come again with Democratie ascendency. In the nation, great reduction of expenses have followed, and many measures of relief boen adoptcd. It may be relied on with conidence that with the coming complete ascendoncy of that party, our sbipping jreatness will return, ourcommerce and our drooping industries revivo, and gen eral prosperity again bless tho land. When Democratie ascondoncy is rojuined then will the pooplo prosper. Accept for yourself and thoso you represent assurances of my high appreciation, and bolieve me Very truly yours, Lansing, Aug. 20, 1878. O. M. BARNES. Dr. Brown, of Reading, who is addrossing greenback meetings in Wash tenaw county, for Dr. Thomas, at $2 a day and board, which íb contributed by the deluded fiatists, brazenly tells hi hearers that he has left an extensivo practico of his profession in Koading and ia saorifíoing his time and mone; in the interest of the oppressed anc down trodden. A history of Dr Brown's two yeara' residence in Keading would prove such statements false Two dollars a day in Wash tenaw county is better pay than his profession wil warrant liim where he is best known Almost daily, letters are received from Washtenaw county inaking inquiries in regard to absurd and false statement made by the baukrupt tramps importe into that county by L. H. Thomas whose services have been worn out in this vicinity. - Millidale Standard. The Domocratic candidato for liov ernor of Michigan, Hon. O. M. Barnes In his letter accepting the nominatioii utters soine wholesomo truths whicl cannot be repeated too often, partiou larly at the Wust. - Buffalo Courier.