The Work Of The House

As the froth of wild words beaten up by partisan journalists about the attitude and intentions of the Democratie majority in the House blows away or settles down, sensible people begin to see that the Democratie leaders have never wavered for a moment from the purpose set forth so clearly and so dispassionately by Senator Beek and by Mr. Blaekburn long before the veto of President llaves was sent in. Nothing could be more striking than the contrast between the cool and precise propositions of the majority in Congress and the chaotic medley of assertions and declamations which President Hayes, according to the Tribune was afraid to exposé to the criticism of his own Cabinet before he baptised it a veto and sent it to the other end of the avenue. The House understands that it is dealing with a grave constitutional question in which precisión of language is as important as precisión of thought, and it is very properly proceeding therefor in the way best calcujated to secure a thorough consideration of the terms which shall be used in giving shape to its purposes. The legislation put upon the statute book from 18öO to 1868 respecting the rights of individuals, of the several States, and of the nation, has in the Itevised Statutes become so intenvoven with previous legislation that the work of picking out all the bad laws must necessarily be slow and tedious, but Congress we hope will have the patience to go on steadily and with composure until it has been accomplished. Intimations are thrown out here and there in the news from Washington of au attempt to fasbion om legislation about the army on electiou days upon the English rüles that, on days of voting for members of the House of Commons, all Federal troops shall be marched by their offleers out of their quarters in any town where such voting may take place into some adjoining town where an eleetion is not appointed to be held, and that troops shall not be stationed within a certain specifled number of miles of any voting-place. It will be difflcult to do this because voting in this country goes on in every town on the same day. And really there is no need of such rules in this country. Xobody objects to the presence of soldiers in an American town if they are not present in military array and not present under orders to interfere with or to stand guard over the eleetion or the polling-places. The presence of troops in Fort Hamilton, for exa'mple, would not menace an eleetion in New York or the neighborhood unless the troops were ordered or could be ordered to do something about or in some way to interfere with. the elections in New York or the neighborhood. %M the time olWilliam III. in England so in this country now the effort to be made and the work to be done is to prevent the army from being used to influence or intimidóte electora. The policy of that Bovereign was modelled bycounsellors who were detarmined that the English natioii should have a f ree Parliament, elected by f ree citizens at free polls, and wholly uninfluenced and unawed by the soldiery. That is precisely the thing whieh tinDemocratie party is detennined to secure to-day for the American nation, and with patience, judgment and good temper the Democratie party will secure it. If the vital and seminal principie of our confederated system of (iovernment is kept constantly in mimi the work will be easy. This is that each State must Dreserve peace and good order within its own jurisdiction. There must be no obstacles to the enforcement of Federal lavvs in any State, butevery State must see to it for itself that there are no Federal laws within its own borders. Theie is no such thing as a Federal peace distinct and different froin the peace of the States. There can be no need of a Federal pólice therefore distinct and different frona the pólice of the States.- N. Y. World,