In his late veto message Mr. Hayes says a great deal about "'national electious." What does he mean? It miglit be supposed from bis language that tbe principal business for which (lip TíVíturül I ■vtiT'imtii t lml 1 But let ussee. .What has Congress or the President todowithan election tor President? Simply nothina. The Constitutlon says: "Each State sball appoiut, f a 8uch nianner as the Legislature thereofmay direct, a number of electors." What have they to do with Congressional elections? Kext to nolblng. The Constitution says: "The timei, places, and uiannei' of holding elections for Senators and Represen-, tatives shall be prescribid in tach State by tbe Legislature thereof; but the Cougrei-s may at any time by law make or alter such rcRUlalions, exetpt as to the places of eboos ing Senators." Upou a &traiued eoDstruction of this lauguage, sriving to Congrtsn concurrent iuriiciiction with tbe States, guarden! and lhuited as it is, is basetl the whole of the Republican election machinery, supervisors and marshals, costiug the people unknown suras, and terrorizing and obstruetius: them, not ouly at Cougressional elections but at other elections whlcli are held at the same times and platos. But nobody has ever jet cluiimd that this provisión of the Coustitulion authorizee the President to end troopsto the pol's and hold bayonet elections. Hayes pretend to üiink that a statute which furbids hiui to order soldieis to the polK abridges iu some mysterious manntr the power of the Government to protect ilself. or to execute its laws. Now, in Great Britaiu this same law is fundaiuental. No soldier or body of solditrs can te brought within a certain (istauce of any polling place, but nobody ever imagined that the British Government was weakened thereby. Ou the eontrary, it is strengthened, as all Governments are strong which rest ou the assem and live in the affeotlons of the peop'.e. This curious idea of Mr. Haye3 will provoke a smile of conteujpt among the freeuien of old Eugland, where Iheappeaiance f any porlion of the army at a polling place would be regarded as an act of treason on the part of the Miüistry by whoru it was either ordered or ermitted. There is in the message a dtal of illogical and inconstjuential twaddle about the laws whieh have, froni time to time, authorized the President to employ the armed forcesof the United States to assist the civil authorities to execute the laws. The sum of it all is this: Upon the cal! of tueLegislature or Executive of any State, the President may send the army into tliat State to protect it from destruction by invasión or insurrection. This is all hecan do in case of resistance to State laws ; it is the beginniug aud the end of bis power. But when the laws of I the United States are opposed and obstructed by combinationstoo powerful to be dealt with by the civil authority. he may upon certifioation of the fact, employ the whole military force of the United States to put down the insurrection. But in both cases, whether the opposition be to the laws of a State orofthe United States, the military arm can be raiseii only to overcomf reaistance which bas rtaehed the proportions of insuirecüun or invasión. All else is a mei e abuse. But nowhere do we flnd any ooDBtltutlonal power to station ioldiers at the polls, even in times of invasión or in.surrection. That, at least, is unlawful at all times and under all cimimstances; and Hayes' pretenee that the right todo so is necessarv to the due execution of any law ot the United States is liko Hayea hlmself, a mere fraud.- [N. Y. Sun. mmm. . Itecently a yoimg num was presented in a family where there is a marrlageable daughter, and as soon he luis taken his leave the friend who hal introduced him said to the father, "Well, how would he snit yon for a son-in-law, hey?" "Very well, indeed," says the father. "All right ; suppose he comes round to-morrow and proposes V" Father (with dignity)- -'To-morrow ? Pooh, pooh ; what are you thinking of? That would be indecent haste. Say the day after to-morrow."