Mr. Sherman has the amazing recklesaness to assert that "the llepublican adruinistration has been marked by a uniform decrease of expenditures, as shown by the official table of net ordinary expenditures;" and "'the Deniocrats have been rapidly increasing appropriations since tliey have had control of Congress." He attempts to sustain these assertions by flgnres made up, not from publlshed offioial rpports, but from data of which the public has no information. I appeal from John Sherman on the stump to John Sherman in the Treasury. I hold in niy hand his own last report to Congress, in a volume ontitled "Finance Reporta, 1878." On page 17 is given the net ordinary expei diture of the government (exclusive of premiums, interest and public deht), in which it is stated that those exptnditures since 1870 were each year as f ollows. I give the figures exactly as published by him : 1871 $157,533,000 . 1872 153,201,000 . 1873 180,488,000 1874 194,118,000 1875 171,529.000 . 1876 104,857,000 1S77 144,209,000 1878 HM, 453, 000 REFUBLICAN EXTRAVAOANCE. The appropriations frotn 1871 to 1S7( inclusive were made by the Repubücan Congreso, and those of 1877 and 1878 by a Democratie House. The Rtpublicans run up these expenditures form $153,000,000 in 1872 to an average of nearly $178,000,000 for each of the four years thereaf ter ; while the Democrats reduced the expenditures for the two last years of the report to but little over $139,000,000 per year, inaking an annual saving of over $88,000,000. lt is trae that for 1879 the Democrats increased those appropriations to $157,000.000, and for 1880 to $100,000,000 ; a chief part of wliich mcrease wasclaimed by the administrar tion to be necessary because the Democratie House had cut down too much of the appropriations for the pieceding years. But take the whole average o;' appropriations and expenditures fo. the four years of Democratie rule, from 1877 to 1880 inclusive, and the four years of Republican rule, from 1873 to 1870 inclusive, and the result is as follows : That the ilepublicans expended an average of $177,748,000 for the net ordinary expenditures of the government, while the Democ i : oppropriated an average of $149,0 - OUO, t)eing I saviil6 tu tiiv. priö J reason of Democratie economy ot ?,- 547,000 per year, or $114,198,000 in the Eour years Mr. Sherman, in replying to niy Lancaster speech, asserts that so f ar f rom this economy being forced upon the administration by the Democratie Congress, we aetually appropriated more than the departments asked for. Here the Finanee Minister of our government is equally at fault. For the year 1877, the administration asked a little over $200,125,000 for its ordinary expenditures; we gave it $145,182,003. For the year 1878 the administrar o i asked $184.182,000 ; we gave it $140,384000. For the year 1879 it asked $176,226,000; we gave it $157,213,000. For the year 1880 it asked $164,181,000; and we gave it $160,910,000. So that the Democratie Congress bas in f our years prevented the administration from spending over one hundred and twenty millions of dollars mor than was necessary for the ordinary expenses of the government. I say more than wa3 necessarv, for Mr. Sherman says that during the four yeavs of Democratie control over appropriations "the administration has feit no restraint írovn insufflcient appropriat;oas in the great branches of the gov( , ument." Mr. Sherman.in explaining the enormous appropriation of $194,000.000 for the ordinary expenses of the government in 1874, says that "the appropriations for that year were purposely largely increased as a means of relief from the effect of the panic." Sympathetic Mr. Sherman ! Ho w good it was in you and your party to come to the relief of the struggling industries of the country ! But the fact is, the appropriations for that year were made at the session of Congress which ended March 4, 1873- six months before the panic occurred! The excessive appropriation was due, therefore, to extravgance, and not to sympathy for the people. CLAMOR AGAINST THE SOUTII. Messrs. Sherman and Schurz are distressed with apprehensions of danger to the govemment from the ate Brigadiers. They cry out against the caucus, as though it was an invention of these Southern men to control the Democratie party and thus rule the country. They 1' ;e themselves sat in more cíiucuses t an tliey have hairs on their heads. What danger is there froni Confedérate Brigadiers ? Not one of them has proposed any measure in Congress to inipair any settlements of the war. They have over and over again declared that they and their people accept those settlements as final and never to be dlsturbed. What more is demanded ? In othing. The Ilepublican party has not asked for more. The outcry against the Southern people for sending to Congress men who fought in the Confederate army is senseless and shameful. They have no other men of large experience and capacity to send. WouKl you force them to send only negroes and carpet-baggers! Would you undo the work of paciiication which the President has done 'i Would you revoke the trade consummated by Mr. Foster, by which Packard, who got more votes in Louisiana for Governor than Hayes got for President, was counted out and Hayes counted in'? ïtecollect, gentlemen of the Republican party, that the South has not the same large choice of non-compatants to select for high offices which the Kepublican party has. All her men and boys had to go into the Confedérate army to meet our overwhelming numbers, while the ïïorth did not send a half of her men. In this respect the Eepublican party has the South at a big disadvantage. They can select such men as Messrs. Sherman and Foster, who quietly stayed at home, while the fortúnate South has no non-combatants to prefer over her soldiers for high public honors. Mr. Updegrafí and Mr. (iavlield said in effect at the Soldiers Reunión at Steubeuville the other day that when the South should contest that the government shall be conducted on the accepted fact that the North was right and the South was wrong on the great issue of the war, then sectional strife should cease. The Southern Representatives have admitted it. They do not admit, and we liave no right to expect them to admit that tliey were false to their cenviction of duty in asserting and maintaining the alleged right of secession. But I assert that there is no one man from the South in either House of Congress who does not accept the disision of the war as the final settlement of that question, or who does not agree that all the auiendinents of the constitution made to give permanent effect to that sentiment shall be respected and obeyed and executed by appropriate legislation. In view of this it is mean and unpatriotic in the Republican leader to keep up the senseless clamor against the South and prevent the restoration of harmony and good will, without which the sacrifiees of the war were all in vain. FREE ELECTIONS. 2Í either Mr. SchurznorMr. Sherman has a word to say justifying the use of troops at the polls, for which they and the administration fought so vigorously. They kno w that it is a power that is an alien and a foe to our republican system of govemment, and tliat the determinación of the admonistration to retain that power vvill meet the disapprobation ot' the people. '5ut Mr. Schurz attempts to ridicule the stern demand of the Democracy to have that odious power wiped from our statute books. He says: "Does any sane man think this admlnistration capable of sending the Federal soldiers to the ballot-box to overawe the freedom of the electora ? " The President withdrew the Federal soldiers from the legislative halls of the Southern States." Yes, sir, that was when he President was playing the role of i onservative ; that was when he had just been put into power by a truck and dicker arrangement got up by Mr Foster; that was when both of them were crying out against Federal interference with State Legislatures and State elections, and were anxious for "the ttajto Üoat over the States, not provinces." But a cliange has come over the spirit of their dreams. Mr. Foster pleads the 'baby act" and the President lias taken up all low fellows in the Southern States whom he tramped clown in getting í o power, and gi ving them high stations and good salaries. He is a stalwart now, has made up with all he offended by "withdrawing Federal soldiers from the legislative halls of the Southern States ;" and is as lionnettled as Zach Chandler. Rnt w'ietiier ne wouid or would not abuse the power, as Grant dia, is not the ' tion. The question is whether any ; ident can constitutionally be given or ' should have the power to send troops ' to keep the peace at the polls, or to, in any way, intermeddle with State '. elections ? Mr. Slierman does not attempt to justify the Marshals and Supervisors Law either as constitucional or expedient. lts unconstitutionality is ' monstrated to any man of common ; telligence, whether lawyer or layman. ; When the Constitution was framed the ; whole control of elections of members of Congress was reserved to the States ; but Congress was given power to alter the State regulations as to the time, places and manner of holding such elections, because it was thought probable that it might be important to the general government to have those elections all on one day or to have them heid in single districts. Then it was suggested, at the very close of the debate, that possibly some States might refuse altogelher to elect members of Congrese ; and in such event Congress ought to have power to make all necessary provisions tor eleoting members of Congress in such States. Solely to pro vide for this contingency, as Mr. Madison says, the clause was ünally amended so as to read as f ollows : "Sec. 4. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof, but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter sueh regulations, except as to the places oí choosing Senators." ÜSTow, here is the Constitution of Ohio. It provides that "every white male citizen of the United States of í'.ie age of 21 years, who shall have been a resident of the State one year next preceeding the election, and of the county, townshipor wardin which he resides such time as may be p;ovided by law, shall have the qualifici - tions of an elector and be entitled to vote at all elections." STATE AUTIIOIUTY. Jlere is tne JKiecuon law 01 me aiawj providing i'or the election of members of Congress and other oflicers. It provides how long a person must be a resident of the county, township and ward prior to tlie election to have the right to vote; it provides how persons may gain or lose a residence, and what facts shall determine a residence ; it provides for dividing the State into election disti iets, for furnishing ballotboxes, tixing places of election, selecting judges f rom resident of the elev tion precincts, and providing the whole inanner of conducting the elections, and of making returns and proclaimIng results. All the oflicers so authorized to conduct elections are State offlcers. ïhey derive their authority under and are sworn to obey the State Constitution and law. 2vo one disputes the authority of the State to couduct these elections, or denies that thi whole election machinery, thus con ducted and managed by State officers is valid and in f uil f orce and opera tior Bal the Republican party, by it Federal Election law. bas provided that two Federal supervisors may b appointed at each one of these elee tion precincts, with power to inspec the ballots of electora, and determin what votes shall be received and wha votes rejected; and if any State elee tion oflicer refuses to submit his judg ment to that of the Federal supervisors the supervisors may seize such elee tion otticer and drag Mm trom the bal lot-box to a Federal prison, to be in dicted and tried for the felony of disobedience to these Federal interlopers If a man's votebechallenged, and th State Judges, in obedience to the Stat law, determine, on the facts presented that he is entitled to vote, the Federa supervisor may seize the elector before lus ballot is put in and drag him itt to a Federal prison, although the ower to define qualiflcations of eleo ors, and, consequently, to providefor the ïnethod in which a rigíit to vote may be determinad, is, by the Constitution of the United States, expressly reserved to the States, absolutely and unconditionally. Xow, I believe, there is not a lawyer of fair-standing in Ohio who wil] risk his reputation on an opinión that the Federal governmont has any power to thus prevent an elector from voting, or to in any manner supervise, control or direct or meddle with the State election oflicers while conductin&' a Conjressional election under this State law. Soeh interference h organized anarciiy. No offieer óf a State gövernnient can lawfully be directed or conti'fllled by a Federal oílicer in the performance of his dutiea under valid State laws, for each government is snpreme in its sphere as deflned by the Constitutioii of the l'nited States. This Federal Election law ia, therefore, utterly aiid obviously nnconstitutional. Mr. Sherman makes a faint attempt to justify the Ilepublican party in enacting this law by claiming that there were 30,000 ïllegal votes cast in the City of New York in 186S; but hedoes not pretend that experience has proved the law to be a wise one, for he knovvs that whenever its power has been invoked the deputies employed and paid out of the public treasuvy have been largely poor Democrats, bribed to upaert their party f or $5 a day, andstill more largely the most despicable scoundrela th;it cquld In; raked from the liells of the big cities. The law - has demonstrated itaelf every where to be tlie basest and corruptest instrument of partisanship ever seized apon to stay the dotvnfall öf a party in power. REPtJBLICAN SPIES. Dodging the question of tha constitutionality md expediency of the law, Mr. Sherman arraigns Gen. Rice and myself for having refused appropriatiöns of money to hire these spies and marshals to intermeddle with State eleetions. He says the "with-holding of public money for this purpose is a more dangerous opj'osition than the attempted nullificjftiou of the ïariff laws by South Carolina, put down by Gen. Jackson, or even the attempted secession put down by the civil war. By this doctrine nullifieation and secession are made easy by the refusal of a maiority of either House to obey the law." He seems particularly sorry to find Gen. Rice and myself, after our "honorable record during the war," in this terrible attitude of nulliflcation and rebellion. 'Jlf they were right dnringthewar they are wrong now. l have no disposition to criticise the na or arraign them, but I prefer to follow i the old Republican tlag that was hoisted in 1854." Stop there, Mr. Sherman ! I want U - ■= y r"1 !i ; peroration, to cali your attention to , the fact that in following the can tías m 1856 you, yourselt, otterert EUi imendmentto the Army Appropriation bilí to the effect that "no part oí the military force of the United States herein provided for shall be employeil in aid of the enforcement of the enactments of the illegecl Legislativo Assembly of the Territory of Kansas ; and furthèr, that your ainendment was adopted ; and f urther, because the Senate refused to concur in your amendment, you filibustered and forced the adjoumment of the first session of the Thirty-fourth Congress, leaving the army without a dollar of appropriations; and f urther, that when the President called Congress together again yoa voted to adhere to your amendment, and undertook to force an adjoumment of the second session vithout permitting tlie passage of the Army-Appropriation bill, but were verruled by a few of your conservaive llepublican coileaues joining the Jemocrats and saving the ariny froia isbandment for want of an approprition. SIIERMAX'S INCONSISTENCY. As you seem to have forgotten this triking page in your political history, refer youto the Congressional Globe, Jhirty-fourth Congress, part second, 855-56. pages 1754, 1790, 1704 md 240, and page 18 of the apendix. You will flnd the referentes handy, as they are all in one volume. The difference etween your position Uien and now is this;Then you were struggling against a bad use of federal troops in a Territory over whicli the Federal Government had supreme control ; and now you are struggling for a bad use of Federal troops and marshals to control State elections, with which the Federal Government had nothing whatever to do. You were willing to disband the whole army then, rather than suffer the Federal Government to exercise ;ts undoubted powers ; and now you denounce as rebels and nv.lliliers men who served through the war fov the Union, while you prospered in peace and comfort at home, for disbanding your hordes of partisans paid f rom the enmmon tifasurv of the ueorle to wrest from tliem the control of their ballot-box. I am not disposed, rny i'ellow-citizens, to claim that in the ordinary exercises of lts powers Congress is at liberty to withhold appropriations for piuposes ]rescribed by law. AVe dal not withhold any appropriations the failure of which is at all likely to interfere with any of the departments of the governmentin theexercise of their ordinary and acknowledged powers. We uierely forbade tly? use of any money appropriated for the army to transport or maintain troops at the polls; and we withheld no appropriations exeept for the fees of marshals and their depiities. Weknow th&tall the marshals would be patriotic enough to hold on to their offices and draw their regular salaries, and perform all their ordinary and useful duties, trustiug to Congress to pay their fees for 'egitimate service. We merel y resolved that the public treaapre should not be wasteil, nor the control ii' our State elections Interfered with by hiring bummers andshoulder-liitters, or biibing needy men out of the common treasure of the people. And we nou appeal from the advocates of Federal interference to the lovers of home rule to sustain our action. AVe will let the ballot box itself declare whether it is safer in the hands and under the control of the offlcers of the election precincts, or of emissaries hlred by the administration and backed by bayoneta. ïhis is not revolution nor nulilication nor secession; but only an orderly, honest and patriot i appeal from Casar to the people An undesirable uncle- Carb-uncle.