Slavery: Its Political Evils, And Their Remedy: No. Iii

Last week wc cor.si lered some of the principies of the body of slaveholders who govern our country, as manifcsled by their speeches and Iheir acts. We will now adduce another, which may be stated thus : il A Slavocracy is the best porji of Government." - By Shivocracy, we mean a government where the slaveholders possess all the legisiative and excculivo power of the state. Let all Dfímocrals read while we quote frorn two grent Democratie (!) luminaries in the U. S. Ser.ate. Hear first Mr. Calhoun n the Seuate, Jan. 10, 1840. 1 We [mark how he speaks - " we " the slaveholders] regard it [slavery] as the most safe and stahle basis j or f ree instilutions in theworld. It is mpossible, with us, that conflict can take place between labor and capital, which makes it sodifficult to eslablish and maintain free institutions in all wealthy and civilzed nalion?, where such institutions do not exist. Every plantation is n little community, wilh a master at its hcad, vho concentrates in himsolf the united nlere?l of capital and labor, of which ie is the common representativa." What n delightful picture of a slave's condition, drawn, too by a vepublican, Democratie Senator ! It is well known that these sentiments are advanced ani defended by Mr. Calhoun with great zea on all occasions. Yet he makes laws fo millions of freemen, and has been muel talked of as their President ! Butlet us hear "another distingnishe Senator, who even ventures to predic the spread of Slavery over all the fre States, and the reduction of their labo rer to the dominion of the whip and the pad die. Werefer toMr. McDuñíe. In hi message to the S. Carolina Legislature in 1836-7, he said, -"Domestic slavery, therefore, so fa front being a political evil, is the. corner STONE OF OÜR REITBL1CAX EDIFICE." . . . . " It will be fortúnate for the non slaveholding States, if they are not in less than a qunrter of a cenlury, driven to th adoption of asimilar nsütution." . . . "In a word, the institution of slavery su ■persodes the necessity of an order o NoniLiTY, and all the other appendage of an hereditary system of government. - If our slaves were emancipated, and ac mitted, BLEACHEDOR UNBLEACH ED, to an equal participation in OUR political privileges, what a commentar) should we furnish upon the doctrines o the emancipationists, and ftT 'hat a re volting htectaci.e of republican equa ity =L$ should WEexhibit to tlie mock ery of the world."We will venture to say that tliere is not a despot in all Asia who, in writing the same number of lines, would have be trayed more aristocratie haughtiness anc pride, and more hatred of genuine repub licanism. The reader will observe tha thcre is no hatred of color manifeste herc. Senator McDuffie is too much of philosopher and statesman to bc afTectec by such a vulgar prejudice. He is care ful to notify us that the man's emplo mf.nt is what disfranchises him. If h labors and owns no slaves,he is a "bleach ed" slave, and cannot have " an equa participation" in the political privileges of the "order of nobility" called. slave holders. Another Governor of that Mr. Hayne, in 1833 argued with the Legislature tha: "the oxistence of slavery ine South isnot only to be regarded as n evil not to be deplored, but that it jrings corresponding advantages in cleating the character, (!) contributing to ie wealth, cnlarging the resources and dding to the strcngth, oí the State in 'hich it exists." These Southern Slaveholders think a rcat deal of "clcvating their characlcr". ". thoy would listen to what the whole orld says of their cliaracter, itmight be f sonie benefit to them. As a short com■nentary on this boast of the Governor i 18323, we will adduce thetestimony of n able gentleman resident in Charleston 1 1841. He writes o the N. Y. Evangelist, - "South Carolina is a rooit State, its oil woRN out, and its energies deprussd ; nnd until there is an active change n the social system, and in the habits of ie people, it cannot well be olhcrwisc. But riuDK and poverty havo long been associates ; and allhough South Carolina ïas not as many 'white inhabitants as rermont, its inhabitants talk and fcel as f il were the central poin'. around cliich hc icholc Union 7nust revolee." We miglit enlarge these quotations inefinitcly, but they are confirmed b y f acts vhich speak still more loudly. Since lhe doption of the Constitution, the members of Congress, from the Slave States as a body, have ever voted for the extensión and perpetuity of Slavery. They have added all the ncw slave States. They have added Texas for the express purposc, as stated by Mr. Calhoun, of rendering tho institution safe. At the time of the great Missouri struggie, according to a statement before us, every Representative in Congress from slave States, without a solitary exception, voted to render Missouri a slave State. In the recent vote on establishing Slavery in California, we saw the whole body of the slaveholders in the House in favor of Slavery ; and after the bill had been amended so as forever to prohibit it every memb er j 'rom the slave States, except two from Kentuckj', votec tokill the bill by laying t on the table.Judge Barringeii, a .whigof N. Carolina, said in the debate, - 'tf ir,thc bilí has been essentially chang cd (by the amendiv.ent ;) and changed,too in a principie of the deepest and mos delicate characterto the wholk South. - Cannot gentlemen let us alone on ïhis suhjcct ; must they still continue to insis on positive prohibitions in regard to a principie abqüt which there was PER FECT ÜNANIMITY at the SOUTH?'The Richmond Whig says : - " The proposition thus feil through - a proposition objectionable enough in its original shape, bul rendcred insupcrabiy so by the amendment engrafted ttpoh il at the instancc of the disli?iguished Pennsylvania ally of Southern Dcmocracy." The continue d, consistent and persevering eflbrts of the Slaveholders for more than fifty years to manufacture new slaveiiolding States, is the highest possible testimony they could give to their doctrine that a government by slaveholders is the best form of Republicanisvi. Opinions of Literary Men. Our quotationa thus far have beïn ohiefly from political men. Let us now take a paragrnph or two from the writings of public lecturers and leachers. Here is a quotation from a memeir read by Chancellor Harpor in Charleston in 1839, It exhibits the philosophy of the Slaveholders. "Man can have noproperfy in man" - a phrase as full of meaning as "who slays fat oxen should himself be fat." Certainly he may, if the laws of society allow it, and ïf it be on sufíicient grounds, neither he nor society do wrong. "It is lhe order of nature and of God, that the being of superior faculties and knowledge should control and dispose of those who are inferior. It isas much the order of nature that men should exslave each OTHER, ns that animáis should prey upon each other. "Would you do a benefit to the horse or the ox by giving him a cultivated understanding and hne feelings ? So far as the mere laborer has ihepride, (he knoroledge, or the aspiralions of a frec trian, HE IR UXFITTED FOR H1S 8ITUATIO.W and must doubly feel his infelicity, If there are sordid, and Jaborious offices to be performed, is it not bntter that there sliOltld fesDROIDjSERVIJLE AND LA150RI0US BEINGS TO PERFORM TIIE.M 'Ilear also from Prof. Dew, of William and Mary College in Virginin, tho lessons of wisdom which are laught to the collcgiate classes : "I would say, then, let us cherish this institution which has been built up by no sin of ours - let us cleave to it as the Ark of oük safety. Expediency, morahty, and relgion alike demand its continuance ; and perhaps I would not hazard too much in the prediction that :hc day will corne when the Con'cderacy wil] regard it as THE SHEET ANCHOR of OUr country' 's Lihcrly. "The occupalions which we follow necessnrily and unavoidly créate dí-4netions in sodety. To sny that allconfer cqual honor, if well followed even, is not true. The hirelinÓS wno perform ALL THE MENIAL OFFICES OF LIFE WILL NOT AND CANNOT BE TREATED AS EQL'ALS BY THEIR EMPLOYERS. And tllOSC wlio stand ready to execute all onr commanris, no matter whnt they may be, for mere pecuniáry reward, cannot feel themselves equl to (CusJ) in reality, however much their reason ma}' be bewildered by the voice of sophistry." In denouncing universal suffrage in a State where there are no slaves, Prof. Dew says : Polilical power (at the South) is thus laken from the hands of those who mightbuse it, and placed in the hands ofthose ïosl i icrestcd in its judicious exercise. 10 W CAN HE GET WISDOM n-ÏAT HOLDETH THE PLOUGH, 'HAT DRIVETM OXEN, AND IS OCCUPIED IN THE LABORS, AND WHOSE TALK IS OF BULLOCKS?"