Speech Of Hon. J. R. Giddings

Ladiks and Gknti.kmen : - The topic ' wpon whicli I shall address you is the j Intion of the Pree States to the institulion j of Slavery. In the comnients wliicli 1 mny make, althougli l may stiy that which may be considered as relating to political parties, I appear before yon not as a Wbig. a Deinocrat, an Independent, or n Liberty man. 1 come to you,fellow ' zens,in tlic cliaractor of an American citi7.en,and shall address you as .sucli. I shall consider you as lovers of our country, adinirers of the instilutions under which we live, ind in that characler shall I adlro.s you. lt is our practico in the Western j try, whenevei a speaker addresses an audience. fur any rnember ol that nudience ; wlio shall be disaaiisfied wlth bis slateinents and wish for further evidence, to cali for that evidence. As 1 shall liurry i throngh the subject as rapidly as I can, 1 ; shall not stop to give you all the (acts in proof of my statements, and it is my anxious desire that if I am wrotig, those who hear me may set me rig'it, tlirough tbc ', public press. or in any other mode which thev see fit to )ursiie. I desire to be . understood, and in the remnr-ka bieb 1 shnll make, it will be my l.igliest uim to communiente my few ideas in a manoer so as to be fully understood. Almol all prominent men are more or less nrs;irprehended, and i f I shall be more foilunate, my end will be altuined. If' my ideas are nut correct, I desire that tliey slinll be set right. If I nm wrong, it is my prayer lo od and my request to man, ! thal I mny be set right. 1 will now pro. ceed to my subject ; the relat ion which the fiee States hold to the in.-liuition of! Slavery. It is one of great and vast importnncc; j and as its impórtanco is beconiing daily more and more appnrent, anj public attention more and more turncd to this subject, 1 trust that my aucfinnce will all of them foei a disposition this evening thoroughly to investígate what shall bc placed before them for their consideraron. I want the particular nttention of eacb parliaan now present. For my own pari, 1 belicve tliere ia very ] i tl Ie (tifTerence of sentiment when we undcratand each other. 1 lay down as a fundamental proposition, that the right of the free States in relation to the institution of slavery, is to be entirely exempt frorr all participaron in its support, in its expense, or in its guilt. I wish to be understond on this point. 1 maintain that tliere is no power vested in the Nntional Government to throw uoon vou any porlion of its expense, nny portion of its guilt, or any portion of its disgrare. l udilress myself to the Whigs of this House ; 1 address myself to the Liberty men, to the Independent Democrats, and to the Dernocrats. - Do I speak your sentimenis when I lay down this broad basis, that lliere is no power under the Constitution to involve you in the siiort of' that msütutión-to any extent or lor any purpose ? It would be proper,perhnps, before proceeding further, to illustratc this portion ofiny subject, as it is the basis upon which my future remarks wil] be founded. In doing this, I wish to say to the people that at the furmation of the Federal Constitution, the. delegatiun from the North, or what is termed the Free States of the Union, went up tothat Convention deoply impressed with tlie liigli and cnlting prinoiplcs of universal libnrty. - Tbey carried wiih them the doctrines promulgated on the itli of July, 17TG, to whicli thcy adliered, and to which thev were nrdently attached. In !he Convenlion wln'cli formeel tlio Constitution, they advocated tlicse sentitnents ; fhey susfsin. ed these principies and were desirous of placing the government of the nation upon tliat basis. Not so with Southern members. Thpy caine with diilerent views ; they brouglit witli them, particularly from South Carolina and Georgia, an attachment to slavcry, and a dclermination lo continuo llie slave trade. And llie íirsí diillculty was iion thfll vexed ' question, whicli frorn lliat day to tliis lias nevcr ceated to agitnle the nation, aiid upon whieh Ihe South and the Noith have stood piited against each other. The North were the advocates ef tcpcdom, as their Pilgrim fatliers hnd tanght thein ; the South were descended from a different race, wilh views in favor of slavery. Now cornos dio " compromisps oftlie ('onstitution ;" and what were they ? - We hear oftliem at cvery turn. Tliey meet us froin everv stump and froni every deliucralive body. What I understand j by the compromisos are the terms upon j which ihey agreed ioadjust tlmt question land upon whicli tlioy did adjust it ; and these principies were that they would have notliing to do with it ; tluit tliey 'voulci leave the institution of slrivery wlice it wns, with the State governments, nnd that the Federal Government should have no power over it ; t&M ïho State government whicli held slaves should have the solé, exclusive, pararnouut power and right to dispose of it as they saw fit ; and that I fiere was 110 power vestoij in the Federal Governinent to interfere I with it for any parpose whatever. Airi I riglit ? 1 want t!ie altontion of those gentlemen who aredisposed to doubt this; l want any one, be he who he inay, that denies my posiliii), to rise and say so, and I will respect ful ly give him furihcr llustration of my ideas. If I nm in error, I beg of yo, as you love your country, ns you respret your fellow citizens, to set me right, to correct and expose my error. I Niiy i hen, tlie federal Gonstitution left the nntier with the severa) States. - The frainers of thai instrument stipulatcd witli " irgiii t, for pxample, that there shouU! be no power in the Federnl Government to nlerfere with that privilege, no power to assail it. The re is no power to involve you or to release the cilizens of Virginia from thnt institution. Thev left it wliere tliey found it ; they did nut meddln with it. They gave to the Congress of the United States no power tvhnlever to interfero ín nny maaner with it. Am I righl 1 If not, on the niorrow, sit down, you of !ogn] acumen, you wlio have studied tlie Cunslitution of your contitry, you who are jurists and lawyers, take your cns and esposé mv errors. And licre perniil me lo go nnotlior step, and sny tliat the riglits of tlie five States and 1 1 1 c slave States ivcrc perfectIv rtc'procal and muiual. and ihat the pooplo of New liumpsliirc hold their liglit ns fuily to he cxempt, to be free froni the conlamination of slavery, as Virginia lier riglits to .sus'ain it. Thcre was no power to involve you in support of lliat institutinn to the nmoiint of' onc cent, or to involve your moral puri'y in its guilt. Am I rigfit in thia? - for if 1 ai right, oor government is in a most important error, and I will endeavor to show it to jou befo re I Qoncjude. llave you, the citizens of New llanipsliire today, have you Ly the Representativos (hal framed the Coijstitution, given the Fedfiral GoverriineíH power to involve yon in the moral guilt of that intitulion ? Can j ihcy take your money 7 Can they i volve you in war? Can they compcf you to shH your llood and poUr out your lives to extend nnd sustarn it ? Let me he understood. Ou (hts point liangs a ipiestion of immen-c magnitude, lf I am riglit, hem, toen has the practice of this goïernmeni from ts commoriccment been wrong. But in order to decide that, l repeat, the Federal (iovernment have no power wliatever to involve you in the pecuniary expense, in the moral guilt, or the public disgrace of sustnining slavery in any nanner or to ariv degree. Thcre are sornetimes Ivo exepptions marie : wliich are in fact no exceptions, hut nre oí ten considered as sucli, and to ivhich 1 will aüiKJe. One is llie power of tlie Federal Ooveniuiniit lo suppress instirrections. It is said that tliis power is given for the express jiurpose of s,n rpressing slave insurrections. 1 deny the fact; and he who will refer lo the histnity of the matter will ftnd that the Shay rebfilion. in Massachasetts, among the freemen of that state, gave rise to the provisión. I say further that in suppressing an insurrfction, neither you nor the eral Government can inquire who it is that takes up arnt : whether tlicy are slnvesor ruasteis you eannot intuiré. - The President of the United Statos when domestic viofenc exisls, callee? upon to suppress that violence, and wlien the military forcé goes. it is their duty to shoot down any man who may be fonnd in arms agairrst the gnvernment. The ofíicer w soldier eannot stop to inquire whether the man is nn offner of slavcs or a slave himself; i is the violence with which they have to do, and wliich they aro bound to suppress; and when they have suppresscd tho violence, thougli overy slave should leave his m aster at that very moment, - sliould ieare his triaster wilhin gun-shol of them, there is no power in tho President to command ofllccr or man to soize an individual slave and take him back to hismaster. Whon the violcnce is silppressed, the duty of ihe President is finished and complete," - he has nolhing further to do with it. 1 In can institttte no inquiry whether it bas been an nsurrection of slaves or maslcrs. With this explanátioD, f pass to o nother " exceplion." It is, as some have said, tliat the Federal Government have involved us in ilie recnpture of fugitive slavcs. Not so. - Tlie Snpreme Court have given a construction to the Constitution wbich I veriïy believe to be correct, ahhough rnany eas'ern lawyeisand abolitionists are j satisfied wilh it. VVith all the reasoning I cannot fully coincide ; but the general resulta I believe to be correct. Tlie constitulion, as all of you recollccl, reads - tliat, " No prrson held to service or labor n one State, under tlie laws thereof, escaping into onuilier, shall, in conscquencc ofnny l;tv or regulation iherein, be 1 chargcd f rom such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whorn such service or labor may be Í due." The Supieine Court have declared tliat "delivering tip" nieans the same ns when we nll deliver up our l'riends when arrestet! by the officer - ! nieans tliat we will not resist, but will ■ leave ihe officer to take hhn. So you mast lcave Ihe masier to (nke his slave, jut Ihere is no power in the tüovcrnmcnt ; )y which they can compel yuii,'ny friend, i lo leave vour office or your shop nnd arrest a sfiíve wlio passes n the .-teet. - i They cnnnot Cütnpe] you totakc the slavo. The master ipay chase liis slave througb your stieets and befare your cyes, and you have slipulatcd that you will not interfere ; but there is no power to compe] you to assisthiin in the arrest of his slave. I iherefore wiy that this is no qualification to the rule. You have a right to he pntirolv clear of all participación in ihe ariest of a slave, and by the Constilutiuu you are. 1 have sometimos run ibis out to a iher exlen', and I will this evening. The slnve in (lassing ilirough your ttrcpts, is pursupd by bis masler. Tfie slave knows i', and you know it. There is nj obl!cntion for you to say he shall stop. On he conlrary, you may lell him, sir, lh;it lie mater ís on bis tnick. You may tell liin, There is tlie rond to Canada: you my put yon f pnrse under contribuí ion oassisthim on his way ; you may say o him, " Sil-, you aro a írmn, wilh a righl lili: and liberiy , and on the sai! ol New [Iampsliire, if your mastcr lays bis hond i ion you, if there is no othcr way, if you are " puslicd lo the wall," yon may lefend you f sel f by taking h.'s lifp, and there s no law n New Ilnmpshiie thnt rul punislï yon for slayiiyg your inaster ratherthan sur rende r yourself úp lo hírn ís liis slave." This is thc independence you liave of it, and I lake it upon myself j to say, (and if I am wrong, expose my error, ) tliat althougb the s!ave, heie in front of your capítol, should strike down bis iiiristor in self defence, should lay him a eorpse before your door, there is no !av of New Ifírmpslnrp, there is no Iíiw of n:iy New Eng'and States, 01' of' Ohio, that will punish him for the act. - On the contraiy, l wonld say to him, in ril! kindness and friendship, you are a gocxl fellow. These are the rights, the Bonsfittilional rights that you hold towards that inslitulion, with these two exceptions to which [ have alludeH, bui bieb are not exceplions ; for in these respects the Northern States stand eTitirely free. I hare now eomplflted the fint of my genern! sitions, which is, iliat we have a right lo be entirely Cree, fïom ;ill pniticipalion in tlte expense, in Ihc Hisgince, in the turpitude of rDaftitaining slavery. I am plensed lo sny lli.-it wlien I liasre laid down tliese doctrines in other places, and befoie slaveholders thernselves, I huve nevpr been nbte to cali oi?t or provoke n slaveholder to contradict a single proposiiion. I have declared thern frequently in the House ol Representalives, and c.illod upon the South to exposé iTy enors, bul never could find a man there to deny the propositions ; excepting one. Mr. Levy lof Florida, took it upon himself to say Ehat wewere bound by the Constitution to ! uphold slavery, but ho was immediately contradicted by a slaveholder, and it passed ofi" without any commcnt. Oihcrvvise, I have never heard nny opposiiion to that principie until the year 1843. With this statement, hearing in mind !lie proposition whicli I have made, it folIows that in every instance in which the Federal Government bas involved yo-u or me in the support of slavery, they have violatcd your rights nnd mine ; they have violated the Constitution and taken upon ! themselves powers which have never been delegntcd to thetn. Tbis follows as irresistable conclusión from the principies ; whiclr I liave laid down. I might stand liere till the rising of the morrow's sun, ropeating instances in whicli the Federal Government lias lent itsaiil to the institutioti o( slavery. This Government was scarcely forrned beforc it bccame involved. Even the first trenty which was furmed under it stipulated to give the Creek Indians a certain compensation for the slaves they should retura to their masters. In 1793, when Knox was secrelarv, there was a command to pny tho slaveholders of' Georgia for slavcs wliicli liad escaped to the Indions. lt 1802, Congress undei'took to legislale upon tho subject, and ! tliey made il a duty of the Commissioner i to retain a portion of the annual stipcnds for the samo purpose. In 1821, an expresa stipulation was made tliat $250,000 from the amount agreeci upon in that treuly should ba c'educted as a compensation for slaves who had souglit rofuge ainong the Clierokec Indians. This money was found to Lic less than half due for slaves who had escaped, for we have it upon the authority of VVm. Wir.', that, although their price was fixed at two or three times their "alu, but one hundred thousand dollars was required, leavingone hundred and fortynine thousand dollars unappropriated. - After tl at had lain in the Treasury for somfi time Jonger, thcy petitioned that t should bc given to them in further pnyment for their slaves. Vhen that petilion was referred to a southern committee, (wiih their usual ajtful uianner, ) to a Georgia cominittee. tliey reponed that altliough ihey had been fuliy iaid for tlieir slaves, thcy had not been paid for the cliihlrcn which Ihose slaves would have borne lo their marters ; and fellow-citizens, willi shame be it spoken, thnt your Representativos and mine, shatnefülly voted to give thcin the remainder of the money, and it was paid over to the owners of slaves utnJcr those circumstances. That is the governnient Ihat lias no power to interfero with slavery 1 VVhy, sir, look ;it llie lndian treaty of 1832, in which the express suin of $7,000 vas stip. ■ ulaled to be paid to certain individuáis for slavcs which had run away nnd neverbeen returned, and that sum was taken frotn your treasury and jiaid to tliein. I would speak experimentally upon lliis subject. You all know in the year 1:52, llie brig Cornet, loaded with slavos look lier deparlnre trom Richmond, Va., look out hor cargo and was wrecked at ■' Nassau, New Providence. The wreckers took the crew to Nassau, and then : went ahout their business. Tifia Government hns nothing to do wilh slavory ; hut these slavc'hoMerSj these döalera in the bodies of women, these Iraiïiekers in children. cnüc-d apert) - wlioni ? The oflscouring oftbe carlh ? No, they called npon the Presiden; o(' the [ niled States (a assist thfim, to he tlieir attornej', and (Iemand of' Great Britain a corrrpensat ion in dollars and cents for (he bodies of those men, worncn and cliildren ; - and it was obtained. Twenty-tïve thousa'nd dollars was obtained for those on board the Cornet and the Encomium, whicli was lost two ycars aílerwafiís. The very men who now go through the wliole land, in its lenglh and breadth ; 1 1 do not mean your Representativos ín New llainpshire, I do not mean Democratie Repi'esonlatives, but VVliig Reiresentatives of the Frec Slates ot' -M parties, stuod in thal Hall sacred to liberty, and delibcrately eommenced legislating to ' pay those slave-dealcrs, who accordiflg to our deas, should have a restiüg placn betwecn heaven and earth suspended by the neCft ; for we have declared the foreign slave trade to be Piracy. It was done; we passed the lmw ; and theshame and disgraee resta'opotl the esoutcbooo of 1I1U Dfjliot), mul will rest tbere lo all coming time. Such were t.'ie nrrangements tlmt no one upnn tliat floor was permitlod to sny one word aguinst he bill, and it was only by tiick and finesse thnt I gainod nn opporiunity, when lliey had culFecf for the previons question and it was MMtfeirod, by voting for the bil) and then moving a leconsidüration. Il mny be known to you thu when a Whig administration held the reins of tliis Government in its power, and were negotia'.ing ademind with Great Britain whicli threatened to involve us in a war with I ihat mighty nation, wbiletbis was going on, and I, liunible as I was, dared to throw in a series of resolutions dcnying llie power of the Govcrument to involfe the Frce States in the crime of the slave trade, - yo know iho result ; Sir, ï was driven, as it were by force of arms, froni that Hall, to seek a refago only in the integriiy of my constituents,vho re-elected me and direcled me to continue the same as before, and I ever have. 'l'hal is the Government, fellow-citizens, thnt hns nothing to do witli slavery, but will drive a man froni its Halls who dares to den y its riglit to involve you and me and the wliole North in slavery and its ' ning crimes. It is not my intention to involve ony pany in particular; I will expose a Whig or a Liberty man if I can catch him, as quick as nny other, and l will not altogether pass over the Democrat. I wish that I could blot from the history of tliis nation some of its ioep and damning crimes committed for no other purpose than to sustoin tliat institution. I will rcfer you to the lime of the first Florida War. When a number of slaves liad escapcd from iheir masters in Georgia, gone upon t'.;c Apalachicola liiver, ihere ! erocted themselves a fortificalion, galherd their families togetlier, and planted their fields and gardens ; were living in llieir solitude, iníerrupiing no man, having souglit liberty in the fur recesses of ihat wilderness, tlie slaveholdersof Georgia, inslead of iheir going lliere to take tliem, cajled upon llie Federal Government for an anny to arrest the women and children who had ihere souglit refuge. - The areny was sent. Two gunboats went deliberately and cominenced a fice upon that fort. It was for no crime, but because ihey had dared to harbor in their breatits that love of liberty which the God of Freedom has irnplnnted in every human being. Tiicreforo it was that our torces pointed their car.nons, and heated tlieir balls, and commenccd their fire. - And when the missiles had penetrated the magazines, 273 human beings were sent at once to the bar of Omnipotence, for no other reason llian because they loved liberty. Verily that wholesale murder resls upon this Government, and will descend to all coming ages branding it with everlasting infaniy. I mention these things, fellmv-cilizens, to show you that what has bcñn said with regard to the maintainance of the rights of the free States is not to bo passed over or treuted üghtly. It has been my misíbrlune tobe bound under oatli to look into these things, to examine (hem, and to exposé them. I kncw the shnfu of calumny wliich have visited me on that account, but I blame no man fr that. He who nssnüed me was honest, sincere, devoted to liis country's interests, as I verily believe. It s becruiso they do not know the facts,nnd now I say Ihat when the truthstmll be laid open before you, whether VV'higs, Liberiy men, Ocmocrats, er Independcnts, there shall be but one sentiment among y8u. You shall need no división of partios tlien. - When every man sliall know the trutli, there will bc no contention among the porties ,ts to the maintennnce ofou'r rights. You all know that in the Florida War, forty millions ware torn from the Free States and expended, squandered there, in butchering the IndiaiiSj beoause they refused lo deliver tip fhe slaves of Georgia and Alabama, wlo lad shelter among thenriv Fot another instarteO it which :)is Governfiient hns involved otíf nálionsl character, I refer to it.s Itempts xa obstruct the progress of fieedom aniong other nations; its ei.deavoring lo prevent the emancipation of slaves in Cuba, its correspondence with Spain. Nor i er the Vt'lng or Democratie administrador! clear, for both adminjstraijoos have' been thus involved in the same crime of endoavoring to obstruct lo ilie progresa of liberty in foreign lindan. The nogotiatioiw betvveen our Government and Great Britain in relution to thet-hves who had Hed toCnnndn ; ihe remonstrnnre ngriint-t emancipation in tho West India Islands, are instaures in poiut ; and 1 might stand till tlie rising of to-innrrov"s sim, oiting inptances in which ihis government ttda involved itself in flie support ol that insliinlion. In eveiy ctroh instanr-o if which ihis government has invofvetl oui interests, our moral purity, orour nattonal horror, ihey have oulraged their political comoact, and violated the C'onstitution of our country, f cali your attention fo these violations, to show you th:ii we have cause to cali upon o'jr fellow covintryinen to watch the oetions of íhe Gol" ernment in this respect. I have rwer boon able to cstimnte the wliole amount of expense that bas been paid from the Treasiiry of the United States losu.stnin slavery; but others, men of sano, reflecting niinds, h.ive set I down the omount at one hundred millkwi." of dollars oul of cight lninilred millions, being one-eighlh of the whole amount ol tlio expenses of tlie governmeiit, from tlie adoption ofthc-Const.tution down to 1840. That is the fiiiiiunt lo which we have bron involved aceording f their eslimate. I cannot voueli for !ts accuiney, although I know ;le sum to be vast in is amouni. ('ader these circumstances many individuals of all parties bave feit it their duty to cali the attention of the people of this nalion to this abii'e, an abuse which in our opinión thrcatons the overthrow of ou r liberties, and of the government it self; which haznrda tlie nnion of these States, and must invitnhly involva us in deep and damnng digrace lhr)ughout the earth. It may noí be i nproprr to Vefer lo Anncxntion. Up to the year 1843, there had been a quiet surrendcr of our riglit.s to the demands of slavery without argument, agitatioti, or discussion. No man had lo malee these expendiluros. When they caüed upon the Government for aid, the North submitted to it without a why or a whereforc. It was a silent qniescence on the part of the North, for ncarly up to the year 18:!6 no man was found to stand up in Congress and oppose these outrages and violations. It is tïicrefore, gentlemen and fellow citizens, that we feel bound to cali the attention of the people to this subject. Up lo the year 1843, thcre was one general declaration on the part of Southern men and Northern men - all were agrced a.s to lbo constitutionality of the lnw. - Southern men declared that we had no power to interfere with the institution o slavery, and Northern men responded to the sentiment. I know it has been snid th at abolitionists called upon Congress to inlerfere. They knew thal someihing was wrong, and callea upon Government to inlerfere wilh slavery in the District' of Columbia; and perhaps I may be allowed to allude to another circumstance here. Wlicn the District of Columbia was ceded to the United Stales, nllihelawsof that territory ceased to be in fpree. At the very moment ofits cession, the laws' for crimes, for debts, for holding slaves, all censad to exist. I want the particular atiention of lawyers and judges who are present upon thispoiut, for this is a legal argument. When the State of Maryland, for mstancc, ceded lo the United States the territory upon which Washington stands, ! and all that which lies north of the Poto-! moe, and when the Federal Government took possession of ihat lerritory, from : ] that moment nll tlie laws of ihe Slale j , of Muryland ceased to have any power') wliatever witliin that temtory. The firtt' ae of Congress upon the matter, the acl i , of Feb. 27, 1801, was to revive the laws , of Maryland which. had been in force.and declare them to be and to remnin in force , untilfurther legislation. This was nu act of Congress, and my Representatives , led for that act, and tlieir names sliall go down to uil coming time hearing the j den. Yes, my fellow citizens, slavery by tliat law exista to lliisday. V7 itlioul thal law the slave would liave been as S pendent ns bis masler, and the master would have had no more power to enastile the slavfi tlnn the slave to chastise his rna8ter. Tbus it was unlil :he Uepresenlativesof New York and New England, (I do notexcept Mnssachusetts, nor Connccticnt, from wliicli I derive my own extracfion,) enacled those laws there.and tja under those laws ihat the skive exists hcro al this moment. Il is you and 1 ffho hold liis hands j n ioned by the law, ind we wil] not relnx ottr grasp while the naster strikes bis thong into liis quierng flesb. flavo yau not by thousands ïnd by (ens of thousanós Kaked Congress o release you fiom this moral guilt and ;urpitude in the Capital? You have ; ind liow have your servanls t'iere Ireatad your hitmble and réupectful petitions? fhcy rcfuse to repeal that law, and '.hey actually suslaiu slavcry there, and upliold t. Is ihere n lawyer here to-night who (hinks l arn wrong? If so, wlien you i'eUtri' lo your officp, exposé friv eiior. and youwill ! what no shvrholder has da'-ed to nttempt; for in the House of Representativos, no slaveholdér can be provoked into nn nrgument on tliis point. But in free New Englancl, God blcss her, you (ind Representativos denying ihe pow erlo repealihose Ihws. Yoii find ílepreentatives (not in New Ilampshiie, I hoyic dofiving wir power to repnal the acls which we hnve pBstfr). All you hrjve ti Ho to abolish slavpry therp, ia lo repen yourown law. The mas of the people do not look unon il so. Tl ere, a slavi trade, in all its horrors and its unspfnk oble cri'iip, 'coiitimies by the forcé o Northern sentiment. B y the aid of Nortli eni votes it is uphold and protrctel, and every attempt of t he iovors of libcrtv i nbolish it is waided od" by Norihern J )ugh-faccs, by Southern slave-holders, and tboaa who act in concert with them. Iwishlcouldtransporttlic.se ladics, in wh se I re isti the love of liberty and feelings of kindnesa ever dweil, to see those agon'e which I have witnessed iliere upon the face of the slave mother, wlien her (lüughter hns been torn from lier, and,for purposes which must ever rcinain nameless,transported bevond lier power. Language is feeblc to (escribe those scènes ofagony, and that too undor a law which ssustained by Representatives fram the Pree Stctes of this Union. The Hon. J. R., of Massochusctts, one morning, in taking his seat by my side, called my attenlion to sorne remarks I hnd made the rfay before, and related to me a painful icident of the effect of slavory. Ile said, Recently, in this city, another gentleiwin ond myself we re coming across the bridge over the Potomac,and while near the middle of Iho bridge, we saw a female running towards us with all her might. Soon iher3 was an outcry. VVo saw the girl approaching us, and behind her two men in close pursuit. The men called on us to stop the girl. We stopped to see liow she would appenr. She was apparently aboutlO years of ago. She npproached and saw us standing on the bridge 111 front of her; looking back and seeingher pursuers in the rear, seeingno chance of escape, she cast her cyes upvvards, and threw herself over the bridge! The waters closed over her, and her history was tlius written. Of the entire truth of this story, 1 hnve no doubt. Tliat woman committed that dred under the law wliich is sustnined by your Representatives and mine - which was enacted by your Representatives and mine. Mr. Adams related to me that a mother ant' two children hn] been brought from the country and placed in llie prtson house of the District: and williin thoso gloomy walls, no eye but the Creator's upon her, in her mind sbe looked back upon the home from which she had been torn, forward to that life of infamy and disgrace which ber children were doomel to drag out. She gn.ed upon her chilJren, on whorn her teiulereM, warmest affi ctions had centered, and íeeing their doom, her feelings were wrougt up inagony; despair and anguish scized upon her undcrstanding; reason toltered upon its throne. She laid lier hand iirst upon her children, and took from thern the life which God had given, and ihen laying violent hamls upon her own life, rushed unbidtlen intothe pic-ence of lier God. And thnt was uniera law uplieM bv }7our Rejireseníauves and mine. I will dweil do longer ujion this. As I said before, I niiglit detain you here tilt the morning's sun should rise, relnting sucli deeds of gorro; bui I wil! hasten on. Wliat is the remedy for all Ihis ? I say to jou, feïïów ciiizens, that therc is but one rempdy, in m' opinión, nnd thnt is, the di.sscmination of truth. Il is information and intelligence to be spread befort tlic peoplo of tlus na' ion ; not bel'oro Whigs, Democrats, ór Liberty men, but befure the masses of ibis geënt nalion. Let them know and uiidcrstand iruth and fact. Gentlemen and Indies, yi 11 liever saw from mv hand, or heard iVom toy longue, an argamént tipon tliis subjec', but that h;ui for U object, in very speech and in cvcry ünr, to give nformation to the pcnpK1. Wlieii ibis ïas been accomplislied, Democrats. Wliies ná Liberty men will come wjth one omrnon impulse and will hurí back the ssaults rmJa upan their righls ;ind Iheir berlies. Lot your papers spaak. Let vour public men speak. Let men stand nith artd ncjvoealo the cause of our race. Fetlow citi.ens, I speak to no pnry, but in (tód's name 1 col! upou you, vhen you send men lo tliat flouso of Corgress to legIUr lor you, send hen, men of homan ympathy. Idonotaik f you to send VVhigs, Democrats, or Niberty men; but in henvett's nanio send is mctij men wliose hearts caa UmI in sympértiy with tho ojpi esspcr, - men wlio are wöMhy of being called deseeninnii ofthose pilgritn i'athei, vho plnnted liberty lipon Plytnouth's ixck, - men whocan look bdcU with pride upon tlieir nncestors. - men vbo have iiiheiiicd ihose fet'ling'í and sentimenls if' licavenbo rn liberty, whic.b shall coiistitute tl-.om defendris oftbese rig'r.ts. 1 wonld irirmte -vil la no nmii. I forgive the past, 1 kneu n uwh who Irns oflenjed so grossly but wli;ii I can lorgive bim. lbo moment lm wil iKi'R himself upon tlip Conlitiitmn ol' our couniry, and tbr riglits ofmank'nl, and maintain the rights ol' oir rncr. Again, ! wnuld snv to you. f'llow citizens. men lo f lis HáM to ft) tl. e-o sc;ii.-. who ire not afrnid to speak whni they f' nd to give uttpfnn"' to tlie pmntionti "f their hearts ; wbo will a.sert the rigiit
th's day lo be free from this sinin, wlio will stand by your Coiistitutkm nnd maintain it in iis purity; who will lenve the inslilution ofslaveiy where the Constitution lel'l it,and ;it tl, e vnme time demand that iheir bnnda sliall bc free from its g.iilt. Let your St.-ne nssert these rights, if they havti not alrcaiy done so. In these remarku l M"pt 1 have nllusion to no party. W'hen I come upon this subject 1 know o party hut my race, no cause but my country 's, nor will 1, nor can I, descend lo partirán warfu e, I nppenl to one party as much as to anodier. l?ut, n stil! higher duty islodevolve upon us at no distant day. The cliief magistrale of this nation is to be chosen. He is tp continue this country in the disgrace and infomy of this wnr. or lie is ta put a stop to the cnurse whieh has been pursued. It is to ibat, I would now cali your atlention: liere it inny perhaps ba proper that I should speak of wliat might be a matter of delicacy with another. Wliat is snid upon this subject at tic present day? We have seen in lines of living Üght, porlrayed from southern mind?, a combination of nll parties in favor of a man whom tliey will volicIi to sustain this institution of slavery, and wholly pervert tlio Government to its support. You 11 know to whom I allude. I wish 1 coulJ say hc was nol a Wliig.- Thera was never any thing that go humbled my feelings in relation tothe party as the present aspect of affaire wiili regard to the individual wlio has been named for the Presidency, and wliose name has been ?o much reiterated thro tlifsoulh as well ns the north. Immediately after the adjournment of Congress, (or you mny go back further than that,) you have seen the southern portion of the community assuming a new groiiml upon this question, and inptead ofsiying that the Federal Government had no right to interfere with the instituiion of slavery,on the Sth of Augusl, 1813, Mr. Absl P. Upshur, Secretary of State, hos the honor of putting fortli the first declararon of ihe duiy of the Federnl Government to sus!oin slavery. In his letter to the U. S. Charge d'Affairs in Texa, he proclaimed a new doctrine, and these declared that it was our duty to protect il. As you all fre aware, ihis was repeated by his successor, John C. ('alhonn, and by various dignitnries of this Government; and afier a while by the President in his nnnual message. It coniinued to be reiterated by various oflicers until the whole Snulb, Whigs and Uemocrat, proclaimed the duty of maintaining slavery, and extending it also upon soil not vet annexed. It is the issue for which we must now go.and which overshadows every other consideration. Mr. Calhoun, imm6dia!ely after the last Congress, at Ciiarleston, S. C, put forth the policy tr South Carolina not to go into notional conveiition, but nominale a man who would go agair'St this Wilmot Proviso. And whnt he had spoken there, he rfpeated at Culuinbia. - The southern papera reiterated tlie dechi rat ion; yrs, southern VV'hig ptijicrs, :he Rfchmond Whig particqlarly, a paper devoied to the Wh'g cause, as il is said, then declared that it was oie of the gre'ite.st and liighesl excellencies of Mr. Newton, the cniididate for Congress from that districi, tht he was opposed to that Proviso. That paper saidthatwe must all unite with Mr. Calhoun in that position; and went still furtherj it said ihut at the next Congress the present parties, the olJ parlies, must bc broken_up, and new parties fornied of those fur the extensión of slavery ond those opposing it. Conventions were held and advancel the same principies. Goveniors, as in Mi.ssisippi and Tennessee, proolaimed the sanip. Meetings were held in KenUicky nmljin other Staten. In Tennessee the eleclion ofmombers of Congress is made to turn solel y upon men who wil] oppose the Wilmot Proviso. In Marvlnnd, tho Whig State Conventior. liave procluimed the same doctrii.e. They have nominaled Generul Taylor to the Prosidency. - They go for a man who will go for the exiension of slavery, and consign you and nio, in nll coming time tothal power. And wttile you see, as it were, in the broad blaze of light, nine slavc slalcs thus ngitating this question, no prominent man of ei:her party standa up and opposes this plof, this conspiracy for the over throw of this government, the overihrow of our liberties. No paer of either part; stands tliere to oppose it. - you have seen in another state of this Union, North of Mason's and DixonN line, a convention of VVIiigs who have made proolamalion of their intention to nüke Gen. Taylor the candiduTte of the Whig party, in 1848, for the Pi-esidency of the United Slntes. ltis tiue that it M in a state that never vofed as I vote, but Iho Whig olthat state feel that they have n right to centro! the Whigsof N. Hampshiro and of Ohio, ns much as if they were a VVhíg Stnie. The VVhigs of the Norlh generally, have not come forward, bul stil! you have seen n the Whig Slates, men striving to coincide with t'iese views. I rojo:ce that but one Whig pnper north of Mason's and Dixun's line so Air as my knowledgo extonds, has altemptfd to prepare the minds of tl, e Whigs to yield up their opposition to tlie fürtl er extensión of slaverv ; whoncvpr such extensión shnll be c'emandcd by the sluvo powrr. I rejoice (lint Ohio is at present disgraced ly no such publicntion, and ihat no such nsults hns lienn offbreid to lhe Whigs my f oWn state. The VV'liigs oF New York, Conncrticut nmi Mnssachusetis tamely sit in silence, submitting to, r putting foward no í-eiitiment not in nccordance ilii it. In Ohio, the sentiment hns heen advanco that he wíll be elccted, and that it is of no use to oppose his rlection. Th is is done to intimídate the peoplp; hut they wil] not intimídale men in whose breasts any feeling in favor of their country's honor, their Constitution or their race, ever had au existence. These tliings are inteniled to force Gen. Taylor upon the party, and even Wh'g papers thut have stood fortli unllin.-hingly in former times, say, we will say nothing. They are waiting for llie rivrr lo run past that they may go over on dry innJ. These wise men ofour ïiatinn, profutóng to bo Whigs, remain silent, thinking that whiiethey give thein this advantnge, the fire will burn out and they come out unscaihed at last. Those Wliigs who have got up this movemont in favor of Gen. Taylor,knowing him lo be in favor of extending slavcry, me men of desperate political fortunns, who have become anxiuus to share in l!e spoils of office; tliey are men who wuuld sell their party, their country and iheir God for an ephemeral success; or to enable ihem lo Oask in the sunshine of Executive favor. Tliey have underrnted the intelligpnce of the people. Tliey believe the mssses to be politically corrupt ns are these who seek to mislcad them. Time vill demónstrate thcii ei ror. Fellow-citizeiis, I declare to you, that this movement indícales a want of principio ind regard to our country and our rights. It is a most shame-fuced imposition. The people are not in favor ol any man who will sustain slavery. As nn evidence, in our own community, the leading Whig ;;aper of that district, the Cleveland Ilerald, cirae out in favor of Gen. Taylor for the candidate of the party, and said that nothing could prevent his success in Ohio. But there was a curren', in the country, and the surrounding papers took up the subject; and within three weeks, that paper, that old and weJl established paper, backed out and declared itself for a northrrn man: and the first man, the first leading Whigor Dcmocrat could not be found to say that he would vote for Gen. Taylor under any circumstances. bupposc the vviiigs shoulu sucrced in elecüng a man opposed to the Wilmot Proviso, vvhnt would they gain? Whv, sir, it would be a sale of the party for four years of power. That thoso who oppose ihe extensión of slavery will iriumph, is as sure as the existence of a God. It is equally certain that those who oppose the Wilmot Proviso, must in 1852, it not in 1848, be scattcred to the four winds of heaven, thcy will become the contempt of honest men, and the finger of scorn will be pointed at them. I stand here as an individual, authnrized to speak for no man; bul I have represented in Congresa the strongest Whig district in ihe Union for ten years. 1 am the oldest member on the floor bul two; John Quncy Adams and Mr. Rhett of South Carolina, are theonly members who have held their present seals longer thnn I have mine. And I teil you tha' if every other Whig district in thia nation bows in servile submission, that districi will sland firm to their principies of Liberty. I am authorized to say lhat. - No cause upon thia eartli will ever extorl a vote from her sons in favor of a man that stnnds foith an advocate fur the exlension of the slaveholding power. - They have seen too much of it,and thank God, 1 have seen to-day an address Trom the Whig Slate Comrnittee of Ohio which bears the same sentiments that l have ut'.ered here to-night. I Drink you may set it down, that where ever New Ilampshire nnd Massuchuselts go, wliere ever New England goes, you will find Ohio going on the broad basis of principie, mniniaining her rights, and opposing nll endeavois to palm oil'tipon hor a President who will maintain the ustitution of Slavery. Fellow ciu'zens, I feel upon this subecf, and fuel deeply. Í tee the las! struggïes of tho slaveholding ower to subvert the righU of our fellow-men and Dverthrow the Federal Government. I iiow suy to you that this afternoon, for Lhe first time I havo seen a letter from a Washington Correspondent of an iniluenlial paper which upliolds slavery. 1 sec in it the quailing of the South. Il is proclaimed tliat probnbly rirginia and Missouri will go against General 'I'aylor, and Lilmost every free Stale since the wriling of fienton's letter. VVhy, my friends, I have al most been hissed at for expressing ibis kien-. I now repeat it to you to-night as my opinión. I have mingled with the people oí my part of lhe country frorn my ;liildhood, and know their foclings and iheir semiments, and feel that I am a judge uf llicir bentiinmis, a::d 1 nuw say that nol fifreestate in the Union wil] cast ts vole for nny man who will not vote in favor of the WiW t Proviso. Il i snit lrup,set me down asa falsc poüticrl prophet fit lnst. 1 belteve that the Democratie party will go ngiinst Gou. Taylor. I do not believe they will vote for a southern VVhig wlio is in favor of the extensión of slavery. That party are, most of them, as sincere in thoir opposition to slavery as I arr. Don't stare, fullovv whigs, for there are honest Demoora's. - Tliey will stand by their pr;nciples. I had the pleasure of conversing with nn old gentleman of Concord this evening, who has a son in the West, a Democratie inember of Congres?, who will go for the Wilmot Proviso lili the last drop of blood in his body is spent, before he will yield to the usurpation of slavery, and I wil! stand by him, fellow-citizens. Cali liirn VVhig or Democrat, or what you will, while he stands by the Cons-titution and the rightsof man, I will stand by him as a co-Iaborer in the cause of freedom. 1 liave travelled over most of the free Stites, and when I have seen the liberlies of my countryinen altccked in this way, I have never language lo command the feelings of my heait. I say to you then, that from all the inlelligence that I have obtained, the Democrats are goingagninst a Southern slaveholder who is for the extensión of slavery. I do not beüeve that nfluences can be brought to bear upon the VVhig party which wilt lead them to go for any man opposed to the VVilmot Proviso. There are so few presses which will now stand forth and oppose slavery, that we know not the deef) feeling of thepeople. - Would to God that I could see the editors irf prewea of all partios. I wish I could see the editor of the Patriot down here. I would go to him,take him by the hand, and weep over him: I would exhort and entreat him, and see f I could not get him to speak out as a man whe feels an interest in the welfare of his race. - Don't laugh ; I believe these men are honest; just as honest in tlieir course as I ara in mine. All they want is light. Fellow citizens how stnnds the cup"tion? Are you prepa ed to go up and assertyour rights and main' .in the liberties with which have descended from our Pilgrim fathers to us as our groatest and most momentoua interests dernand? I trust that you are. My only fear is that the public sentiment may be suppressed. Fellow citizens, I carne to your place a stranger ; for the hospitnlity and kindness which Ihave received from you, I tender you my henrty thanks. A stranger as I was, I had no iuea of addressing you ; but when my friends called upon me wilh a request thnt I should address you, I did so with hearty readiness, feeling that any errors which I might commit would be forgiven, my sole purpose being to impart informntion upon so important a subject. For your kind and respectful attention, 1 render you my thanks, and now take tny leave of you.