The Five Acts Of The General Government

It miy be we!I lo present at one view tlie vnrious acts of the Confederaron and Union on the question of the extensión of slavery. ORDINANCE OF 1787. The ordimnce of 1787, for the government of the Northwestern Territory under tha j irisdiction of ihe Confederation, was powwd by Congress at the same time thtit tliR Convention jbr the formatiou of the Constitution was ;n jession ; nnd both bodies fat in the sanie place. - It is fair to inierthatso mpnrtant nn act, involving consequence 80 far-reaching, : nnd v -hich would dflepiy involve the j terests of the new Government, woulH liardly have been ventured upon, unless j nfter a IVee interchange ofopinions 1 tweea niPinbers of both the Congress ni.d Convention. Thai ordinnnee m.iy ; ftre be justly regardcd as the expneiit o4 ■ the sentiment of liiat [leriod. aiid of the i mlicy of the Government thut was, and th:it was ii) be. Il consistí of !wo pnris - one relating to mere maller. of form and arrnrigemenl; the otliftr, 10 pefomnwit guarnniies nf riglils. 'l'liis part is in the form, :iot of nnordinnry legislative acl, but of n compact, consisting of a prearnble and six articles, comu.encing ns follows : "And for exlending the fundamental principies ofcivil and rctigious liberiy, wliich form lhe bnsis whrrpnn thee republics, tlieir lnws ano oonstituiions, are erected; lo fix nnd el:iblisli ihosr principies ns the ba-is of n tl liiws, constiiutious iV governmenls, wliich forever hceafler shull be formed in the süd Terriiory; to provide, nlso, for establishment ofStnles nnd permanent (Jovernmenis iherein,;nd fnr their ndinissinn to a sliare in ilie Federa] Councils, on nn equal footing with the original States, at as earlv periods as may be consistent witli the general interest- "Zi 's herehy orrhúned and declarrd hij the autkoriiy aforesaid, Tha; lhe foüowiiig articles hall be considererl ai ticte? of compact between the original Siates and lhe people and States in the said 'J'erritory, and forever remain unalterable, unlcss by coinmon consent, to wit:" &c. The first article secures the rights of consciencej lhe second,the haheas corpus, jury trial, right of representntion, sacredness ofcontracts, &c; the third enjoins the encouragement of public education and good faith towards the Indions; the fourth provides that the territory shall ahvays be a part of the United Staies, guards the public lands of the Confederation lying in ii, nnd secures the perpetual free navigation of the navigable waters leding into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, as vvell to the inhabitanls of the 'J'erritory.as to the citizens of the United Slates ; tho fifili designates the numbar ' nnd general boundaries of the States lo be formed, nnd invests them witl. the right of admi-sioii iiito the Union, on certain conditions ; the sixth is in tbe words following: " There shall be neither sbvery nor involuntary servitude in th i said Terrilory, ot"erwise thnn in punishment of crimes, whereof the pnrty .shnll have been duly convicled; Proeided, alw'ays, 'J'hat any person esciping into the snme, froni wliorn labor or service is lawfully claimed, jn any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service, as aforesaid." These articles, withjthe the exception of the last, were reporied as a part of the ordinance bv Mr. Carrington. of Virginia, chairman of the committee on the subject. Nathnn Dane.of Alassncausetts, moved the sixth article ns an amendment. It wascarried, and t}ie ordinance then was adopted, by a unanimous vote, fc'outh Carolina rIl theSoutlicrn Smtes, exrejt Maryland, fwhich was absent, y voling nye. In theyear 1785, Mr. King, of Massachu?eits, had submitted, a proposition of the same kind, without the proviso, and il was commilted, but no report was ever made on it. A great deal has been lately written upon ihis subject. The editor of the Cincinnuti Chronicle, in on nrticle purporting to embody facts taken from the Journals of Congress, denies to Jefferson ihe credit of this Anti-Slavery provisión of the ordinance, and claims it for VI r. King. Mr. Force, of this city, thereupon appears in a very elabórate artic'o, quotir.g more largely from the records, nnd proving, bevond all doubt, that the article, as it stands, was the work of Nathan Dañe, so often referred to as the aulhor of it. Both gentlemen, we ihink take a limited view, confining their deductions within limits not nuthorized by the facts they state. Both admit and prove lhat,in 17S4,wljen a plan for the gov ernment of the Northwestern Territory was under consideralion, a coinmittee, of which Mr. Jeflerson was chairman, reported an Anti-Slavery article precise'y in the laiiguage in which it is now embidied, excepi that it was 10 take eiTect in the venr 1800 ; and that it contaiued DO provisión for llie reclamation of fug-iti es fi om service or labor. The article report ed by Mr. Jeflerson, and that which now stands in the ordinance, agree in all t-ssentials. Both recognize the right and duty of the Government of the Union to prohibit the extensión ofslavery in all territory under ils exclusive jurisdiction; bolh look to the estnbüshing of this as the permanent policyofihe Government ; the only dillVrnnce between lliem is, that one was to tnke effect frcm the d.ite of ils passage, in 1787, but allowed un exception lo ts general principie - theseizuie and reclamation of fugitiveslaves - while the other nlloived no .such exception, being, in this respect, far preíerable, ihough n was not lo laks effect till the ye.ar 1800, thirteen years aftcr tlie dale of tlie otlier. This wns in ended meiely as a concession to the claims oflle fe w slavnholders already n tho Terrtorv,nnd n all proBabÜity won'd have been followed ly no increase in the nuinber of slaves; wlule tlie exceplional clause n ihe article, as t now stands, lias !esn permanent in its operation for lmlf' a cenlury, and issiil! working. For tliis reason, we think tlie article nlroduced by Mr. Jefl'erson a far be! ter Anti-Slavery provisión than tliat of Mr. Dañe. Huwever th's may be, the fact stands out, clcar nnd unmistaki.hle, thnt tin; noble policy of exeluding slavery (rom all United States lerriiory is to lie ascribed to Thomas Jeiferson, of Virginia, and the commiltee of vvliich hfi was chnirinan, inasmuch as il was the y lio reportod and recommemled the fii-:t legislalure act lo earry it into effect. Mr. King, of Massnclinseits, siinply revivad ilieinnvement on a subsequent occasioa ; and Naihan Dane was the mere instrunient of incorporating it in the ordinancp, as it was finaüy passed. He was the a ithor of the Anti-Slaverv arlicle nw i censtituting ene of the six ir.-the ordinance; JeflVrson was the aulhoroftlie AntiSlavery policy which it declares. JefTerson suggested the Idea; Dañe subsequently gave it Form. i'URCHASE OF LOUISIANA. In 1803, Louisi.ina was purchased. A great oversight was corninilted herp, in nnnexing no Anti Slavery proviso to the lerms of purcliase. One reason of this (ii glit have Leen the haste with which the tmnsaciion was effected, and the lotal unprearedness, bot h of the Government and the people, fur such a nieasure. - As we have stated,mor than once, it was not in the contemplalion of Mr. Jeflerson to obtain any territory west of the Mississippi ; his great object being ihe acquisition of the free navigation of the river and of ïhe port of New Orleans. - The whole Territory of Louisiana was ! forced upon him, and the purcliase was made by the United States Commission ers without auhonty, they acting under what really appe.ued to be an absolute necessity. TFiis, togeiher with the Tact that the government was loth to interfere with the usagps of the alien people [nhabiting the Territory, explains why there was no movement made for the prohibilion of slavery in the new purchase. But Congress, though omitting the performance of Is duty in this respect, still sbowed, in its act erecting Louisiana into two Territories, (npprnred March 26, 1804 J the Anti-Slavery policy of the Government. Section tenlh of this act forbids - first, the iinportalion of slaves into this Territory, from any port or place without the limits of the United States, although, by the compromiseofthe Constilution, all the original States were at liberty to carry on such imourtation till the year 1808 ; secondly, I the imporlation, froin "anv port or place xuithin the United Slales," of slaves who had been imported into the country subsequenlly to the first dny of May, 1798, or should thereafier be impoited ; lliirdly, as follows: " No slave or slaves shnll, directly or indirectly,be introc'uced inio said Territory, except by a citizen cf the United States, removing into said Terrilory for actual setllement and being nt the time ofsuch removal baña fule owner ofsuch slave or slaves; and every slave imported or brnught into the said Territory contrary to the provisión-; of this nct, shall thereupon bs entilled to and receive his or her freedom." The whole scction, especially the pnrt just q"ol4. plninty shows ihat it was the policy oftliu Governmeiu lo d3M0rag slavcry in nll new terrilory; although it certainly swerved from the straight line inarked out by Jefferson, nnd by the ordinance of 1787, in not taking eñecttve measures for its complete exclusión. MISSOURI COMPROMISE. The result of this deparlure from principie was fearfully demonst'ated in tlie struggle which took place on the npplication of Missouri for admission ns a State, in 1820. The friends of the original policy of the Goveinment then ralli"d, nnd endeavoring to regnii what liad leen lost. The struggle. here was not to keep out slavery from territory in which it was already d, or even to exclude it from territory in which it liad efTected an enlmece, but to make ils abolition a condition of the admission of Missouri, ns a State, where it was a longstanding ' domestic institution," and was imbedded in the prejudices, usages, and iniere.ts of the people. The Vatlle of Freedom was Decesssrily fouglit under the most disadvantageoiis circumstances, its fripnc's haviiig to contend again-st arguments drawn both from vested righ's nnd Slate righls; and yet, not unlil after ! the most stubborn reisistance, not unlil ! snme of their number had been cjoled by the most adroit compromiser of the agp, was the dny carried arainst llieiri, by a : bare nmjority in the House of RepreMStfttiye of tliree vetes ! Sonic features oflhat slrugg!e belong also to the present coniesl concorning tiio Wil. not Proviso. The political managers in Congress liave connected the two queslions - the organizrttion of a Territorial Government fur Oregon, with the proposition to exelude slavery (rom new territory; so that, ïftlie friends of Freedom insist ujion the one, ils adversarles may dfeat the otlier. Mr. Cnlhoun, througli his ngents in the House, attempted to procure the resc-indir.g of the Anti-Slavery provisión in the act for estnblishing a Territorial Government in Oregon,nnd, f;iiling in thrtt, when the act renclied the Sonnte, succefded in Inving it stricken out there, and tlien, bj' the lid of V' hig votes from the Nartheustern States, in postioning ittill anoiher Congress ; thus kerping it an open question, lobeusedin p.io-ting roncessioiis fiom the supporters oftlie Wilmot Pioviao. A similar game was played in 1820. - The Señale then, as now, was on ihe side of slavery, and, by n cunning manccavre, connected tlie orgnnizntion of a Government for Mnine with ihe queslion of the admission of Missouri, so that Maine was not recognized till the slaveholder's claim for Missouri was fully secured. The Missouri struggle termin:iled, as all k'now, in the famous compromise by which slavery was prohibited In nll that part of Louisiana Territury lying nortli of 36 deg. 30 min., except so much as was includbd in thi Stnie of Missouri, lt is in the following words: ''That in all thnt territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisinna, which üps north of 30 deg. 30 min. noith latitude, not included wilhin the limitsof the Staie contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary sprvitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof t he parties sha 11 have boen duly convicted, sball be, and is hereby, forever mihibited : Provided, always, That nny person escaping in:o the same, from whum labor or service is l.iwfully cl.iimed in ony State1 or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully recíaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her services, aforesaid." The act, in which this i.s e.nbodied as a proviso, aulhorized Missouri to organize as a State, and form a State Convention, and was approved March 5, 1820. Under one view, this compromise was a toss, undnr another,a gain, to the cause of Freedom. Comparad wilh the ordinancer of 1787, and with the policy of ;he Government indicaled by that urdinance, it was a loss - it sbowed a retrogrado policy on the part of Ihe Government. That ordïnance consecratedthe whole of the United1 States territory to Freedom, in the form of n solemn compact, not to be repealed but by Ihe consent of all the pames to it. Th is compromise secured for Freedom only a portion of the territory beionging :o ihe United States ; and this, r.ot by n compact between them and the people nnd States of said territory, irrevocable, unless by commor. consent, but by a simple declaraiory act of Congress. Under another view, it was a substantial gain. In the acquisition of Louisinna, n 1803, the Anti-SIavery policy of the Government, to a great extent, hnd been disregarded. The result was, slavery was permittsd to tuke root, and spread tliroughout ihe whole territory. - The Missouri compromise arrested its growth. While it perrnitted slavery to continue in Missouri, as a sovereign State, nnd in that ptation of the territory south of 30 deg. 30 min., whereit Drevailed to n considerable extent, it wrested from the power of the Destróyer a portion of the territory r.oith of 46j deg., nearlv equal to the area of 11 the States between the Atlantic and the Mississippi. Under this aspee!, to this extent, it was a gnin to Freedom. But this was not all. It was a renffirmition, after the most porttntous struggle which has thieatened the Union, of the rigld of ;he General Government to set boundsj to the extensión of slavery beyond its present limits, and of its duty to do so. If we include the act establishing a Territorial Governmcntof Louisiana in 1804, pruhibiting the introduction of Slaves inlo Louisiana, cxcept by citizens of the States owning the slaves,and entering the Territory for the purpose of actual seülernent ; it was the third distinct, important act of the General Goverr.inent, by which the doctrine that Slavery and Liberty stand on an oqual fooling in the eye of the Constitution, and in the regards of thnt Government, was virtually pronounced false and heretical. THE TEXAS COMPROMISE. Shut in on the nonh and northwest,the class of persons interested in the support and extensión of slavery began, subsequently lo tliis adjustment of the Missouri comproniise, to-plut for the acquisilion of territjry on the southwtst, su tliat lliey might have nn iiiiiefinite range forlheir slave labor - a species of labor whiuh can live only by the continuol and rnpid expansión of the field of ils operations. The results of their scheme were the insidious introduciion ofslavery into Texas, ts revolt, ts independence, ha application for admission ililo our Union, the nnnexalion contest. There wasmuch in the nature of the aequisition proposed lo t!ie American People, assimlating t in imnortance to the aequisition of Louisiann ; and the public inind, being poisoned wilh groundless jealousies of foreign intrigue, opposed less resis'.ance l han il otherwie would, lo the project of annpxation. The queslion ofslavery extensión, as connected with tliis projeci, was settled hastily and blindly, añer little discussion, by the upplication, in a blundering way, of tho principie of the Missouri Coinpiomise. Fivesieps mark tlie annexaiion of Texns. The fint is the joint resolution of Congress, approved Murch 1, 1845 : " Resolved ly the Sánale tind House of Representalires of Ihe lnited Si ates f America in Congress assembled, Tfrat Congress dolh consei.t tint the len itory properly inc uded wiihin and nghtl'ullv lielonging lo the rcpublic of Texas, niay be erected inio a iiew Siale, to he callea the State oí Texa, with a rP[Hiblican form of government. to b udi)ted by the people of sald re)ublic, by deputies in convention assfmbled, with the consent of the existing Government, in order that the same mny be idmitled ;is one of the Staies of this Union. "2. And be it furtlicr resolved, Thai tlie foregoing consent of Cungi-ps? given opon tlie following eondition?, and with the following guáranteos, to wit." &c. Tlie third of these conditions, the only one which now concerns us, is as follows: " Tliird. New Stutes, of convenien size. not exceeding four in number, in addition to snid Staie of Texas, and havingsiifïycient population, may heieifter, by the consent ofsaid Sta! e, be formed ou'. of the territory ihereof, which shnll be entitled to adrnission under the provisions of the Federal Constitution. And stich States u mny be formed out of (hat portion of said territory Jying south of thirty-si.x degrees thirty minutes north lafitudc, eonnnonly known as the Missouri Compnimiseline, shall be admitted into the Union with (ut without slavery, as the people of e ach State asking admission may desire. And pi uci Sale or Sates as shall Ie formed ou( of said territory north ]f said Missouri Compromiso Une, slnvery, or inrounlaiy seroilude (excepl for crime) shnll be prohibited." The second step is the joint resohitiun of the Congress of Texas, approved June 23, 1845, the preamble to which, having recited the terms and conditions nroposed by ihe joint resolution of the Congress of the United States, is followed by the followitig resolution. " De it resolved by the Señale and House of Representatives of I he republic of Texas in Congress asscmbed, 'I'hat the Government of Texas doth cement thatihe people and territorv o f !he republic ot Texas mav lie erected into a new Stnte, tobe called tlie State of Texns, '"ith a republtcnn formof governrnent, to be adopted by the people of said republic, bydeputies in Convenlion nssembled, in order that the same may be admitted as one nfthe States of the American (Jnion; and said consent is gicen on the tcrms, guarantees, and conditinus, sel foTth in the preamble lo this joint resolution. '■Sec. 2. Be it f urther resolved, That the proclamntion of the President of' the republic of Texrts, bearing date May fifih, eighteen hundred and furly-five, and the election of deputies to sil in convention nt Austin, on the fourtli dav of July next, for tlie ndoption of a Cnnstituiion for (he State of Texas, had in aceordance therewith, hereby, receives theconsent of the existing Government of Texas." Next in order is the ordinance of the Texan people, whose delegales, in Convention asseinbled, adopted, July 4jh,1845, the following: "Wherens the Con;ress of the United States of America has passed rrsolutions providing for the annexaiion of Texas to that Union, which rosolulions were approveil by the President of the United States on the first day of March, one thonsand eight hundrer] and forty-five; and wherens, the Presiiient of the United States has ubmitted to Texas thefirsl and second sections of the, said resolutions as the basis vpon which Texas may be udmitted as one of the States oj the said Union; nnd whereas the existing Government of Texas has assenled to the proponía thus made, the terms and conditions of which are as follows : [Tlie lwo fust sectioii3 of the joint resolulion of the Congress of the United States are here quotcd.] "JVbw, i'tj order to manifest the assent of the penple of this republic, as required in the above-recilcd portions of the said resolulions, we, tht; deputies of the people of Texas, in Convention nssembled. in their name, nnj by their authority, do orduin and declare, ttat we assent to and accept the proposais, condilions, and guarante.es. conlained in the first and second sections of the rrsolution oj the Congress of the United Statrs afare.said, "Thomas J. Buk, President." Tlie fourth step is tlie furmation of the constitution of Texas, by tlie same convention, which recites as follows : "Wet the people of the R public cf Texas, acknowledging wiih gratitüde the i grace and beneficence of God. in ! ling us to mnke clioice of our form of government, do, in accordance with tiih ] PIIOVISIONS OF THE JOÏNT RESOLUTlON I FOR AN.NEXt.NO TeXAS TO THE UnITED StaTks, approved March first, one thousand eight hundrod and forty-five, ordain and establish this Constituí ion." Tliis constitution was ratified by the people of Texas at the ballot box. The fi(th step, which completed the introduction of Texas into the Union, is the joint resolution of the Congress of the Uniled States, approved on the 29th of Decembe.-, 1845, with a pieamble as follows : "VVherens the Congress of the United States, by a joint rcsoluiion approved Moryh the firM, eighteen huodred and forly-five, did consent th;it llie terriiory properly included within, nnd righifuliy belonging to, the republic of Tex:is,might be erected rito n new State, to le calied the Slate of Texas, wilh n república n forra of Government, to be adopted by the said republic, by deputies n conveniion I nssembled, with the consent of tl;e existiug governmen:, in order that the saine might be ndmittd as one of the States of the Union ; u'hich conxcnt of Conaress was given upun cerlain candi tians specijied S ín the Jlrst nnd second scclions of said joint rcsoltition : nnd wherens the people of the said republic of Teatns, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the eisting government, did adopt a conMitution, and e reet a new State with a rppuhlican fúrtn of governmení. nnd in the name of the people of Texa--, and by llioir authoiity, did ordain and declare tkut they assenled to and accepted the pro pasáis, condíio7is, and guáranteos, I tnined in said firsl and second sections of suid resofution : and wherens the s;ii"d dnnatHutvoo, witli tlie proptf evidence of its adoption by the people of the republic of Texa, luis bepti trat smitled to the President of the United States, nnd )aid before Cnngress, in conformity to the provif.ions of said joiiit rebolution : I füre," &c. Nfiw, we wish to cal! attention to a fact we afluded to ?ast weefc, in gome com. ments opon thearticle of iho Washington Union, of whose compilntion of the foregoing resolutions we have availed olt.-e'ves. The compromisr. in rclation to Texas is not the Missouri Co.mpromise. Dut the Texas cornproinise secured fur Freedom only ane-tenth of the ferftry of Texas - and that, only in a contingeney. It does not prohibit slavery now, or at a future period, in ;iny portion of terriiory lyiug north of 36 deg. 30 min. lts hnguage is retnarkable : "And in nioh STATE or STATES as may lie formed out of said trritory, north of said Missouri comprumise line, slavery or involuniary seritude (except for crime) shall be prohibited." The provisión, on its very facp, l;eirs the marks of grnss carele-isness, or a de libérate design lo impuse uppn the opponents of s'aveiy. It djes not attemut In do what is practicable - exelude slavery at once and forever, frum this piece of territory north of 36 dr g. 30 min.; bui it does pretend todo what etery one of i's projectors and leading supporters believed, and yet believes, is uttrrly impracticable - prohibit slavery in a sovereign State. It leavestho territory open to the incursions of slavery. Slaveliulders may setile tliere, and conslitute the majority ol the populalion ; and tliere is nuthing in the preciou.s compromise to prevent tl.ein. When their numbers shall be sufliciRnt, they may form a constitution, contairiing no allusion to slavery, ind demamJ admiïsion into the Union. Aceordmg to the termsof ihe fedoral constitution. Cougress, finding notliing in the {atm of grtrernment of the new State repugnaut ti the constitution, or a república!) form of govurnment, will accede to the demand. Itbecomes a member of our Union, and forthwith calis a Conveution lo mak e such an aheralion n her consiitulion as shall secure the system of slavery against abolition, except by a convention of the people. What becomes of your beauliful compromise 1 VVhat can it aecomplish ? It says slavery shall be prohibited in ihat State ; but where is the power of Cougtess to nterfere wiih State legislation, when a State bas assumed the right of membership of this Union, standing upon an equal footing with the other States? And, should a case be made so as to present the question to the supreme court, does nny one imagine that it wi uld recognise the principie that Congress may legislate for the eterna! concerns of a State, in advance of is iostitutioq 1 - Would it not see, that if Congress could do this on one point, it could do it upon al], and ihus frame a complete code of laws for all (he internal affairs of a State, when it should be fornied ? Whelher the managers in this n-onderful compromi.-e understood what they were about or not, the :-esult is the same - the provisión profe-sedly securing tlie ; interests of Freedom aboye 36 deg. 30 min., is totülly fulüe - a meredead letler; and if Slenery do not make headway in the territory norlh of that line, it wil) not be because ofany legal prohibition, but of natural obstacles. In 'his fourth net of the governmeri', in regare1 !o slavery, we find it carelessly or wickedly nbandoning, in ioto, ils antislavery polis; - yielding all to slavery, söcunng ïiotliing to liberly, linies?, indeed, we may except the virtual snert ion of the right of Congress, still recognized even in this most disgraceful compromis to control or arrest the extensión of slavery. THE WILMOÏ PROVISO. ( The comparative rase with which the slnve power accomplished its vú in the case of Texis emboltíened it bevond measure, esppcially when its great advócale and embodiinent reollected that attii'-xution was carried in full view of his daring decluration that it was necess-ry to prevent the abolilion of slavery in Texas, and, by consequence, ihe hnpairnient o!' the syslem in the United States. The sanction given by a mnjority of the American people, under such circumslances, to the measii'-e, he construed into a sanction to slavery. U'as it niiy wonder, therelbre, that further extensión of slavebolding lerritory should seem desirable to the "Powers that Be;'' that vaster schemes of .-laveholdingacquisition should bfi harborcd. War, it is said, rculted from the nnnexation of Texas. So it did; but only becaue the great objpct to be gained was - California, New Mexico, and, perhaps, Chihuahua. Had there been nothing ulierior in the plans ot" the slnveholdprs, annexation iieod nut have resulted in open war. Many of ihe Democrats began to open their eyes to these things, and, as a measure dictated by a legard fur their oma independence, ior the reputatioa.of their country, for the cause of human Liburty, ihey, in conjunctiun with VV'liigs of the Xortb, undertook to revive tbe original Anti-Slntery policy of the Government, by the introducnon of the vital article of' the ordinance of 1787, to be anexed to any mensure, executive or legislntive, for the acquisition of territory, as follows. "Pructde.d, That there sh.-ill be npither slavery nor invo'uniary servitude in any icrritory which stiull herenfter be acquired by or nnnee.d to the United States, by virtue of this app-opriation, or in any other inanner wlmtsoevpr, e.vrept f6r crimes, whereof the party shall have heen duly convicted : Providd, always, That any person escaping into thit territory, from nrhotn labor or service is Inxyfullv claimed in any one of üie United StnteiJ such person may he Inwfuüy rec-Iaimed and carried out of such territory, to th person claiming his or her service," This proviso was agreed upon by the Whigs and Democrats in consnltation, and mensures were taken that there s!iou!d be no failure in geíttng t befure Congress. When, towards tlie close oí' llie first sesión of the last Congress, a bilí was introduced, apprnpn'oting two million of dol. lars, iti response to the dernand of tlio Cliief Execu'ive, for ihe purpose of making peace vvith Mexico, by ihe ocquisiI ion of terrilory, several members wero ready, btrf Mr U'ilmot, of Pennsylvanin, suG"eec!ed in obtaining the floor, and oflering tlie Proviso. It sent a thrill of ny throughout the free States j nll pnrties suslained it; and Whigs nnd Demócrata n the House of Representntives carried t triumphaiiily. It was defeated in the Senae, inconsequence of the hou r of adjournmeni til! the next session, culting short furiher action and discussion. Again introduced, BI the following ses.sion, as a proviso to o similar bilí, il was carried tlirough the House, nfter n protracted nnd severe struggle, but by tt diminished majority sent to the Senate, vvhere it was stricken out of the bilí, which tl en was returned to tlie House, where au atlempt to restore it failed, by obout the same vote that carrier) the Missouri compromise, and the bill was passed. W HAT MUST BE. Tlius far, tlie ihree millions placed nt the disposal of the Chief Executive, have iicconiplished no peace. Territory, however, hns been overrun by ourarins, and is now under mililary rule. That the Administraron will ever abandon California, or a large portion of New Mexico, no sane min suppoMs. The recent triumphs of the arrns of Gen. Scott render it not improbable that the Mexicans mnv be inclined to listen to sonie terms of peace. It is not unlikely that negotialions may be c-innii'nced before the nt-xl Congress, and that lint body may be calied u pon tonct in ihe mitiei - ihe Senato, as the constitiitionnl ndviser of the I'resident ; and t!ie II., use, as its c 'ii-ent will be neeessary to the nppr.ipi-'niiuns which shall be required. Tliis Proviso must then again come op, nnd, in all prol-ability, will be finally stttled. hs agit.-ition will constituye the grvit crsis in uur liistory ; and, as it sliall be deciilod, we cannot but tbink that the destiniesrof Repulílicanism in this country audofour Union will be determined. THIi QUESTION. The question is simply this : Shall ihe original Anti-SLiverv policy of the Government, the wisdom and benevolence of which are gloriously nttes'ed by ihe unexainpled growlh ol' populülion, wealth, intelligence, and power, in the States of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa, be revived in its fulness, and adhered to henceforth Ibrever ? Or hall the compromising poücy of 1820 nnd 1845, the cruelly and folly of which are pninlully demonstrüted in the retrograde niaieli of population and power in ïheoliler slave States,, in the riifiusion of a blasling institution over the tertile plaina and valleys of the ncwslave Stntes, in the devouring aggressiv?ness which marks thecliaracter offlur wandeling ponulation. on ihe Southwest, in the giyss usurpalinns by stewry, of offije and power in the Federal Govprnment, in the present miserable, wasie!u!,it,g!onous waragainst a sister Uepublic- shal! ihis ccMnprou ising puKcy be finally s.et led upon as the permanent policy of the United Siates 1 Recollect, mire is demanded now l_y Sl.ivcry iban was frver wliispered bi ■fon;. The ordüunca of '87 not only excludcd it froni nll ihe tenitory of the Confetieration - t emant-ipated .e sfnves there.The Missouri compromit-e only allowed1 it to continue in a cerlain portion of the l nited Slites territory, where it hsd bicorne incorporated with the prfjndices ;ind usages of the peojile. But the advoca'ea of the extensión of this coniproniise to the Pacific, prop.iso to erinit sl,ivry to enter, lake root, nnd fiourish, in territory wheiü it is ijow prohibited by the laws of the sisler Republic, against whio'l we aro wajiing war, a:id rl.icli we re fond of styling semi-barbarous ! And this domaiid, unpreced.'nted in our history, is made nt a period when Christendom ir ihe oW world has branded slavery asa cure, and even Ma'iomedsni-m is moving for its abolition, SHALL WE YIELT) ? This is the Great Question to be dpciHpd. Is the couniry ready fiw it ? Are Porlief teady to meet il ? Are Rr-presentatives r.nd Senators preparcif to o their duly ! Let every man who loves his couniry, who would see the Union const -craltid as n glorious meuis to tha estabfishmPBt of Universai Liberty, who longs for the complete triumph of Democratie Principies, who pmys for the speedy coming ..f the dny when Man shal! not oppiess his Brothor, but when a1] shall guard the rights andseek the interest of all - let every such man answer. Look at the Parties; whnt are they ■■ bsuti Faltering, palienng, bünking, d.-dging, devising all soits f bas
dients, Yankee tricks and Souihem 1 bugs to evade tlie (Jreat Issue - to escape doing llieir duty. Thry want to electaPresident - ;hey have n liquoruh pye to the s)oils ; onc ns)iros to n Secreiary of State-Ship ; nivther would have cliief care of the Treasury of the nal on ; another is nnxious to go abrond, nnd 11 snug outfit of (39,000 would do liiin great service ; swanns aio buzzing around ihe pelty offiers wliere Unclfl Saai d 'als on bread to the hungry. VVlio cares fur tlie coun'ry, its lion r-, its virtue, is jusiice, its ("reed 'in, iis atiitu Ie, towa'-ds the gro-it canse of Human Right? One party is to be drilled to believe that nothing more is neccss-iry than to protest, PROTKaT, PROTEST, againht any more terrilory "Ay" said one of the shrewJest Ms-is-iip;)i p-ilitician-;, speaking of the great Corwin Wiiig Protesting Convenlion nt Warrn, Olno, "1 believe weshall koep-lhetn protesling - WE LIKE 1T." The olher party is tnking lessons in the alpliabel of ihe Missouri compromi-e, and i.s becoming very doi-ile. It is grmiually to be sHilüfieJ a-la-But-hanan, until bv next winter il .'■liaü be fully diseiplined to be cliPatei) bv anitlier Hing eom)romise, which shrill send Liberty to seek a home fimong rocks, ravine and deserts, and abandon to the ravages of Slnvery boundless tracis of exhaustless ftriility. Has the Press no deotion to Justice ? Has it no voice f ir Trutli ï Cannol tlio religiotiR Press lor r. linie wliile speik for Fiecdom ? Must the Litenry hrotlierhood go on dreaming, amid their pretty fnncies, when Human Riglits need the advocacy of every man with an intellect t Cannot the neutral press forgot tsjpsts, and cease tbr a little while to play lbo Merry Andrew ] Thanks to God ! the Liberty press, a few W big and a few Democratie journal-i, are yet cloarsighted, firin, and true. Kut, aboye all, wil nutthe People act at the Ballot Bx t