ThÃ¼rsdav, April 20. Agreeably to notice, Mr. Hale asked leave to introduce a bilÃ to riots and unlawful assemblies ia the the District of Columbia. Mr Hale. I wish to make a single remark, ,in order to cali the attention of the Senate to the necessity of adopting the legislation proposed by this bill. The bill itself is nearly an abstract of a similar law now in force in the adjoining State of Maryland, and also in many other States in the Union. The necessity for the passage of the bilÃ will be apparent to the Senate, frOm facts which are prol.ably notorious to every raember of the body. Within the present week, large and riotous assemblag-s of people have taken place in tliis District, and have nor. only th reate ned to carry inlq : erntion schemes utterly subversivo to all law, with respect toihe riglÃ¯is of property, buthave" actiuilly catrid these threats into execution, aller having been addressed, upheld, and teuanced, by men of station in society, whose character rmght have led us to suppose ihal jthey would have taken a different course, and given wiser counsels to those whom they addressed. It seems to me. then, that we have lapproached a time vvhen the decisiÃ³n is to Ie made in this Capitol, whether mob lav or constitutional law is to reign paramount. The The bilÃ which I now propose to introduce simply makes any city, town, or incorporafed place, withiii the District, liable for all iijuries done to property by riotous or turnultuous assemblages. Whether any further legislation on the part of Congress will be neecessary, time will determine. Jiut to say, that at the I present moment we present a singular spectacle to ilie PepplÃ¨ of this country and to the won!. The notes of co'ngmtulation which this Ãenate sent across the Atlantic to the people of France, on their deiiverance from thraldom ! have hardly ceased, ivhen the supremacy of I mul) law, and the destruction of the traedora of ihÃ« pre, are threalened in the Capicol of this Union. Without further remark, I move that ihia bilÃ be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. Bagbv. I i-ise for the purpose of givinnnotice, that whenever that shall he reponed by the rommittee- fit ever should be- i shall propose to amend it by a section providin a sutHcient penalty for the crime of-kidnapping in this Distrct. I was struck by a remark made by the Senator from New Hampshire. He adverts to the rejoicing oP the People of this country at the events now in progress in t-urope, and thence infers that the slaves of this country are to be permitted to cut the tbroats of their masters. I shall certainly. sir utted 10 this matter. Mr. Hale. To avoid misapprehension, I purposely abstained Ãi-om saying a word in regard to anything that tnight even be supposed lo lie beyond the case, which it s the object ot this bilÃ to mee t I did not make the most dislant allusion to slavery. I refrained from U puposely, because 1 wanted to present to the consideration of the Senate the simple question of the integrity of the law and the nghts of property, unembarrassed by confideralions of ihe character alluded to by the honrable enator from Alabama. I shall cordially unite with that honrable Senator in favor of a law against kidnapping; because, if i ara correctJy intormed by individuals upon whoseÃestimony I place the most implicit credit, one of the most outrageous cases of kidnan ping was committed vvithin si?ht of this Captol, no enger ago than yesteyday, and that, ,l5-, m the case of an individual having in his pocket an injuction issued by the bigkH judicr a,uth'.'' fn tllis District, the Chiei Judo-e of the Circuit Court, restraihing all persons trom molesting hirn. Yet, in violation of this injunction, he was forcibly seized, nnt only in utter neglect, but in flagrant contempt, of the most sacred guranty of the Constitution.- Ihis i outrage was perpetratod within the limits of the city, in the very neighborhood of this Cup.iol. 1 wiil go then, with the Senator from Alabama heart and hand in the adoption of any legratation fÃ³r the prevention of such outruges; but I must say ihat is very fpreign to the object of the bill vhich I have introduced. Me, Benton. There is some verv pressin business auÃ¼iiing the action of the Senate, and I d nut ktloyv tl. at the ifiimrks that have be.-n mada are applicable to any rnotion pending at present. May I ask if there be any questn pending? I Tl.e Presiding Off.cer. The quostion g bball the Senator from New Hampshire nave leave to Ãntruduce liis bilÃ V' Oai.houn. Wliat is the bilÃ] The PuesidinoOfeicer. The bilÃ vvill be read. The Secretauy then reac.' the bil!, which s as iiiilows ; "A bilÃ relat ,ng (o riofs and unlauful assemblages m the District ofCulumbia. "Beitenacted Sfc., Tl.at, froni und after tlie passage ol this act, f ,n any county or ÃneorpprfttBd town or city of the District of Co iimlxa, any clmrch, clmpe], convent, or other house, âled, occu,iel, or n,tt!âded for relimous worahip, aây luelling house, any hous- or bui ding llSed or des.gned. by any erson or body politie or corooration, s a ulace for the transaction of business of deposite of propertv any sh.p or vessel, ship yard or lÃ¼niber vard' any ban., ifable, or other out-house, any' artides of pursonal property, shall be injured or destroved, or f any property therein or thercon shall bc taken away, injured, or troyed, or if any property therein or thereon hall be taken away, mjured or destroyed, by any riotoug or tumultuous assemblage of peopie, the full amount of the damage so done shall be recovered by the sufferers, by suit at law against the county, town, or city, within whose jurisdiction such riot or tumultuous assemblage occurred. "Sec. 2. And he itfurthtr enacled, That in any suit instituted under this act, the plaintiff or plaintiffs may declare generally, and give the special matter in evidence." Mr. CalhoÃ¼n. I suppose no Senator can mistake the object of this bill, and the occurrence which has led to its introiiuction. Now sir, I ara amazed that even the Senator from New Hampshire should havo so little regard for the laws and the Constitution of the try, as to introduce such a bilÃ as this, without including in it the enactment of the severest penalties against the atrocjous act which has occasioned this excitement. Sir, gentlemen, it would seem, have at last come to believe that the Southern People and Southern members have lost all sensibility or feeling upon this subject. I know to what this leads. I have known for a dozen of years to what all luis is tending. When this subject was first agitated, I said to my friends, there is but one question that can destroy this Union and our institutions, and that is, this very slave qdestion ; for I choose to speak of it directly. I said, further, that the only way by which such a resuit could be prevented, was by prompt and efficiÃ«nt action- that if the thing were permitted to go on, and the Constitution to be trampled on- that if it were allowed to proceed lo a ce: din point, it would be bevond the power of any man or any combination of men to prevent the ru!t We are approachin that crisis, and evidence of it is pre'sented bv me iacr, mat such a bilÃ, upon such an occurrence, shouid be broughr in, to prevent the just Ãudignation of our people from wreaking iheir vengeance upon the atrocious perpetrators of these crimes, or those who contribute to them, without a denunciaticn of the cause that excited that indigntion. I cannot but trust that I do not stard alone in these views. I have for so many years raised my voice upon this subject, that I have been considered nlmost the exclusive defender of this great institulion of the South, upon which not only its pmspenty, but its very existence, depends.- 1 had l.oped that yonger members who have come n.to this body, who represent portions of the country at least as much interested as that from which I carne, migin have taken the Iead, and relieved me from the necessity of everagain speaking upon the subject.- I trust we will grant no leave to introduce this bill- that we will reject it, and that if anythinobe referred to the Committee on the Judiciary"! it wil] be to make penal enactment tb prevent these atrocit.es- these piratical attempts on our nvers- these wholesale captures- these robbenes of seventy odd of our slaves at a gie grasp Delay is dangerous on ihis question. I he crisis has come, and we must meet it directly.and I will add, we have ampie mt-ans to meet it. We can put the issue to the North, it tney disregard the provisions of the Constitution in our favor-if their sea-going vessels can not safely come info our ports, we can prevent them from coming there at all, and thus make the ssue at once. Ifthe stipulations in the Constilution in our favor are not to be respected, why should we respect those tn favor of others? I do not intend to make a Ion? speech on this occasion, but I would have feit myself to be lackingin my duty to the people of this District, to the people of the South and to the people of the United States, had 1 not raised my voiceagainst the introduction ofsuch a bilÃ on such an occasion. Mr Westcott. I arn not groing to make a speech on thia, for the simple reason that I intend, afler a few observations, to move to lay tlus molion f r leave to introduce the bilÃ upon the table, to stop debate and ask for the veas and nays. Hr. Calhoun. The bilÃ is not yet nlroduced Mr. Westcott. ] he Senator from New tiamspire asks leave to introduce the bilÃ, and i move to lay it upon the table. Mr. Calhoun. I wou'd greatly prefer to meet themotiou di.-ectly, and reject it. Mr. V,rESTcoTT. Ã have no objection to that, ,-"- ..ââ uc, unoiner mocie ot attaining tliat object. In answer to the suggestion of the honorable Senator from South Carolina, that t was the duty of other Senators , respectÃ© the Ã¶outh, to speak on this matter, I wij] state one reason only why I could not do so. I eould not trust my own feelings when 1 heard the Senator from New Hampshire introduce thi blij. Sir, there has been no outbreak, no vio ler.ce in this District. There has been no dis turbunce, except on the part of a set of men who, Ã¯t seems, have come into this district for the pui-pose of assailing slave owners in thn peaceful enjoyment of their property, secured 'o them by the Conrtiluiion, which we have all sworn to support. There has been public indignation manifosted by an assetnblao-e of those who hava been thus wronged ; but has there been uny violence asyet ?_ aây destructnon of property ? No. It may bc wondered tliat there has not been And, whcn the Senator from New Hampshire proclaims that there is danger of this, 1 cali upon hiiri for his testimony in relation to this matter. Where does he get the eviietice that any portion of the property of citizens of this District s to be burned down or destroyed ? I was present last night as a spemtor, at a large astemhln-c of citizens of this District. I heard aw officers of this District and other gentlemen speak on this occasion, but I heard nothing by any means so incendiary as l have heard since the Ã¯onorable Senator from New Hampshire took iis seat upon this flcor. lt is true, indignation vas expressed, but leading citizens of this Disrict. and slaveholders, declared that tliey werp averse to any act of overt violence ; indeed hls asseml.lage which has been called a tumukuous mob, peaceably appointed a ee of hfty citizens, to wait on the editor, and equest lum to remove what they supposed to e an incendiary publication, wliicli had pro.voked thls uxciternent. I have only ro say sir, that I readily yield to the suggefions of the' honoral)le Senator Ã'rom South Carolina Mr. Davw, of Mtssissippi. The Senator trom South Carolina has remarked that lie cxpected that younger metnbers of this body vvould notice the motion of tho Senator from New Hampshire to introduce a bilÃ the purpose of which is the protection of incendiaries and kidnappers. I have only to say, Ã¯t is from no want in feeling with that honorable Senator, but from difference to him who has so long and so nobly stood forward in the deference of the institutions of the South, that I remairi silent. It was rather that I wish to follow him, than that I did not feel the indignation which he has so well expressed. The time has como when, f this District, is to be made the theater of such contests, Congress should interpos the leglslation necessary for the punishment of those men who come wilhin our jurisdiction, acting in fact and in morÃ¡is as incendiaries - coming hear to steal a portion of that propertv which is recognized as such by the Constil ustiÃ³n of the United States. Why is it that ia this body - once looked to as the conservativo branch of the Government, once looked to a so dignified that it stood above the power of faction - wefind the subject of this conlest so insulting to the South- so insulting always when it iskgitated - iulroduced on such an occasion ? Is this debatable ground ? No ! - It is ground upon which the Poople of this Union inay shed blood, and that is the final resul t. IP it be pressed any further, and f this Senate is to be made the theater of that contest, let it come - the sooner the better.- We who represent the Southern States are not here to be insulted on account of this institution which we inherit. And if civil discord is to be thrown from this chamber upou the land, let it germinate here; and I am readv for one, to meet any incendiary, who, dead to every feeling of patrioiism, attempts here to in;roduce it. Mr. FÃ¼ote. On the 4lh of March. 1S37, die Amencac people of all parties assembled at this Capitol for the purposo of witnessing the inauguratior. of a President of the United States. That President was a Northern man. I had the honor of listening lo his inaugural speech, and n it lie wisely and patriotically asserted a principie of which I approved al tho time, which I still admire, and which has a close affinity tÃ³ the question so suddenly presented to this body. Martin Van Buren dared te declare, in his inaugural speech, thut thougli it vvas his opiniÃ³n- and it certainly is not mine -that Congress has the power lo abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, yet he conceived that the act could not be done without I the most odious and unpardonable breach of faith towaras h sla ve Ãtalos of the confedracy, and especially Marvland and Virginia - i las declaration, not ahogether unexpected gave temporary quiet and sntisfaction to iho South. I had tliought, until recently, that there were very few men in the Republic, ciaiminoanythmghke a prominent standing theÃ±iellow-cuizens, who entertamed a different opimon from that thus expressed, or who if enlertaimt.g it vvould undertake to expresa it in the National Councils of this Republic. But the Abohuon movement has not been quite o successful as some desired it to be, and now we see plain indications that individuÃ¡is- for I cannot conscientiously cali them gentlemen - asserung themselves to be champions of freedom- have resolved to carry into execution a scheme- an attempt to remove by any means whatever all the slaves now within lh1S Distnct, so that those who have been in the hab:t of retainmg slaves in their possession will bo discouraged from bringing othess here, and that citizens who may hereafter settle hero w.ll ofcourse, on the principie of obvious pecumary policy, declinobringing such pro.rlv wuh them ; and that, then, in this covert and ins.dious manner, the abolition of slavery in the D.stnctofColumbia may be accomphshed. me attempt to legislate directly upon this subject in the national councils is at war with the constuution, repugnant to all principies of good faith, and violat.on of all sentiments of patrionsm. With whomsoever t originates this movement, made directly or indirectfy w.thm Congress or out of it, which has been so juslly denounced by my colleague, ia simnly a nefar.ous attempt to commit grnnd larccnv npon the owners of slaves in this District Ã undertake to say that there is not a man who has given his countenanco to this transaction n arv shape, who is not capable of commimW grand larceny, or, ,f he happened to be a he ro, as such men are not, of hieh. way robbery on any oftheroads of this Union He is not a gentleman He would not bo countenanced by any respectable person anvwhero. He is amenable to the law. I gO farther, and I darÃ© say my sentiments vi:Ã meet the approbaÃion of many even who do not live in slave States, and I rnaintain, tliat whon tha arm of the law is to short to reach such a crimina), he may be justly punishfid bv a sovereignty not known to the la sv. Such proceedÃngs have taken place, and there are circumstances vvhich not only instÃgale, but justilV such acts. I am informed, upon evidence or. which I reply, that thia very movement outof which the bil) originales has been insneed and sanctiotied by persons in high station It ' is even rumored, uiid it is believedbv many- I am sorry, for the honor of this body, to say so- that a Senator of the United St;.tes isconcerned in the movcment. Certain it is, th amemberofanotherbody, not far dislant nte ting m a certain hal), was yosterdiw â,â,,,;ââ engaged incertain reprehensible contnvancesÃ and that, but for hisal.ject flight from the place ot hu iniamous intrigues, he would have been ustly pumshed- not by the mob, but by hisrh pinted citizens convened for the purpose of nidmat.ng their rights, thus unjustly assailed wnyisit that tlus question is continuullv agitated in the Senate of the United States- that it va kept here as the sul.ject of perpetual d.scuss.on. Is it simply that gi-ntleman ivUIi to bo popular at home ? I suppose so. Is it becau.eoftheir peculiar sympathies for that portion of the popblation which cbnuitutes slavery, ig recngnised in the South ? Wlmt is the motive 1 Is the object to attain popularity J Isnis-am high station? Is it to keep m, n local exc.tement in some portions of the North, with the yiew of obtaininp politica] el evation as the reward of such factious conductT But I care not for the motives ofsuch acts. I undertake to say, that ir, no ountrv Wheiw the principies of honesty aro respected would such a movement as that now attemnt' ed be prometed-, or even countenanced for' a niomont I feel bo.md on this occasion to sav that the bill proposell could not have ar.y aoÃ³Ã¡ object. What does it declare? It declare, thatany attempt on the part of tho people of (Continucd on Fourtli n.inn (Continued from First Page.) iliis District, though the only nieans which they muy have in their power to protect their proprny, and prevent it from being taken from them eitlier by stealth or open robbery, shall subject them to be mulcted in lieavy pecuniary damages! It amounts, then, to that which has recently disgraced the District .should happen, and the good people of the District should assemble, and proceed to the vessel in wbich their property had been placed, and the captain of whiÃ«h had becoine the agent in the nefarious tratrsaction, and should then and there darÃ© to use the only means to prevent that vessel from sailing, and their property from being taken away before their eyes, they would be compelled to pay heavy pecuniary cl amages. Il is a bilÃ, then obviously intended lo cover and protect negro steahng. It is a bil] for the encouragemen and immunity of robbery ! Tbat is its true Character; and whatever opiniÃ³n the gentleman's own self-sufficienry rnay induce liim to rnteriain of his own conduct on tbis occasion, I only teil hini nowthejudgment vvliich every honest man will pronounce upon it. lf the object ofihe Senator was as I have described it, and, as is apparent on the face f the Lili, he is as guilty as if he liad committed high wny robbery. I regret tbat I am obliged to ue liarsli lerms, but they are true. The Senator Trom South Carolina asserted, with great truth, th.it the time had come when the Souili shuuld not only let her voice be heard, but disclose to all her enemies that she not only knows her rights, but, knowing, dares in.iiuiain iliein-mainiain them by all constitutional means, by all legal expedienta- if necessary, by bbodshead. The Senator from New Hampshire is efidemly auemptiog to gel up a sort of civil war in the country, and is evidently filled with the spirit of nsurrection and incendinrism. He may bring about a resuit which will end in the spÃ¼lina of man bloocl. 1 s;iy to him, however, let him co:ne forward boldly, and lake ibe proper responsiljility. LeÃ him say, " New I am ready to do baiile n behalf of ilie libenies oÃ nÃ± (Hernia the blacks, ihe slaves of ihe Disirict ofCoImnliia." Let liim buckle on bis armor, let him unsbeath bis sword, and at onre cominenc; the contest, and I liave no dotibt lie vvill have a fair opporluniÃy of sheddn; lus blood in ibis boly cause on the sacred soÃl of the District of Coluinbia. If he is reallv in earnest, he is bound, as a conscientiou's min, lo purgue bis course, whioh cannot be per.eveied in without all those avvfiil scÃ¨nes of bloodshed anci desolation long aniicipated by good men in every part of ibis Republic. Wheti, I ask, was it ihat Southern men erer undÃ©rtnok lo invade the quietand happiness of the r-onh 1 I hope I may be paidoned in ' king tbis stiesiion. I do not wish to insiitute any invidious comparisons. I thank Hi.aven I have an abiding confidence in the good sense, the virtuous pairiotism, and regard for the righla of property of my Northern breihren; and I believe tbat there are many of thein, of bolh panies, vvho are Jectly sound tipon thÃ¯a quesiion, and wlio will condemn :lle act of tliis morÃ±iog. The Sou'!] lias leen forbeming. She lias exercised more iban complaisance - more tlian forbearance. But vvhen, I ask, has any Soutliern man, oecupying a seat in eiiher House of Conjjress, aiiemped to inteifere wilh anv iocal inierests n the North ? All must see that the course of the Senator from New Hampshire is calculaled to embroil the Confederncy - to put in peril our free institutions - tojeopard that Union which our forelathers established, and which every pure patriot throughout the country desiies shall be perpetuaied. Can any man be a patriot who pursues 5uch a course ? Is he an enlightened (Viend of freedorn, or even a judicous friend of those with whom he affects to symparhiiÃ¶, wbo adopts such a course? Who does know ihat such men are practically the worst enemies of ihe slaves ? I do not beseech the ienlleman to slop; but f he perseveres, he will awuken indignation evnry where ; and itcannot be that enlighlened men who conscientiously belong io tiie faction at the iorth of which he is understood to be the . head, can sanction or approve every i !hat he may do, under the inftuence of i cuement, in (bis body. I will close by saying. that f ha really wishes gloiy, and to be i regardedas the aren; liberator of the blacks I â il he wishes to be pnrtÃculHfty dbtinguishfld in tiiis cause of ernaneipaifon, as t iscalled, et bita, insteud of remaining Ijere in the Senate of the United States, or instead ol'seciebiuiaelf in some back corner of New lamps'iire, wherÃ© he may possibly escape e ju-t Ddignalicw) of good men throughout tliis K, jublir- let bim visit ihe good State el MssB.-pp, in which I have the honor to reside, and no doubt he will be received with such hosannas and shouts of joy as have rareIy marked the recepiion ofnny individual in 'his day and generaiion. I invite him there and will teil bim beforehand, in all honesty, that be could not fo ten miles inta Ue inteiior before he would grace one of the tallest ireesofthefoi-est, wiih a ropearonnd his necfc, vitli the approbiition oÃ every virtuous and patriofic citizen ; and that, if necessary, I iÃ¼ould m elf suist in i' e operation. Mr. Hale. I beg; llie indiilÃrence of the oeuaie for a lew uioinents. Tliouh I did not exifily anticÃpate thia discussion, yet I 0 not regret i. Before I proneed further, !;.llle able Senator Oom MUaiwippi has said that i has been asserted, and he thinka on good auilioiity, ihai a Sennior of the United States connivid at lilis kidnapping of slaI ask hini ,f he refers to me ? Mr. Foote. I did. Mr. H.u.e. I take occasion, then, to ssy that the statement ihat I have iven the sfighlest couniÃ¼nance to the procedure is eniirely wiihout ilie least foundation in truth. 1 have bad nothing to do wiih the occunence, dirrectly or indirectly, and I demand oftlie booraWfl Senator lo state the ground upan which iie has made his allegaiion. Mr. Foote. It has been stated to me, and I fertainly believed it, and, in lelievin t, I rfei)ounced i(. I did not make the charCe directly. My remarks weie hypothetical- I ira ?lad to heai the Senator say that he bas ! had no connection with the tnovement ; but, wheiher he had or not, some of his breihren in the great caus in which he was engaged no doubt liad mueh to do with it. Mr. Hale. The sneer of the gentleman does nol affect me. I recognise every memberofthe human family as a brother ; and il' it was done by human beings, it was done by my brethren. Once for all, I utterly deny, either counsel, sile nee or by speech, or in any way or manner, having any knowletlce, cognisanee, or suspicion of whatwas done or migbt be done, until I heard of ibis occurrence as oiher Senators have heard of it. And I challenge any one who entertains a different opiniÃ³n to the proof, here, now, and forever. I go farther than that. I never have counselled, advised, or aided in any way, and, with my present mpressions, I never shall counsel, advise, oraid in any way any encroachment upon the Constitution, in any of its piovisions or compromises. Ifthe Constitution be not broad enough for the protection that I claim, I will go without it. - I trust that on '.his subject I have been suiliciently understood. I deny in general and particular, not only cognizance, but all knolwedge of any siich movements. Whilst up, let me cali the attention of the Senate to the case of a man whom I nm prou] here and elsewhere to cali my friend - the editor of the "National Era." 'This gentleman, in a card published in the "National Intelligencer" of this day, declares - " A rumor having been circulated that the office of the National Era was concerned, directly or indirectly, in the recent attempt of a number of slaves to escape on the schooner Pearl, it is due to the respectable citizens of this place, and to myself, to give a plain, full unequivocal denial to the report. While letermined to yield no right to menace or violence - a concession which no true-hearted American will be ungenerous enough to demand - I feel it to be my duty to do all I can to remove a serious misapprehension, calculated lo provoke unpleasmt excitement." The posiiion vvhich he has taken is thus laid down in the first number of his paper, and he re-publishes it in his card. ( " 'Belifiveing that the exiinclion of shivery can be tffecied in accordance witli Constiiution and Law, and ibat this is the better way, no sysiem of uuconstitulional or Ilegal measures will find in us a supporter. We cannot woik wiih contradictory means. Whenever convinced ihat such measures as the lavvs sanction or do noi prohibit, are insufficient lor the accompfÃ¯shment of the great object we aim at, we shall franklv say so. The mgniiude of the course in which we are engaged, justice io our fellovv-oiiizens oÃ' the ouili, ind good sound policy, demand that no moveinent be made in relat i on 10 this important que-Ã¼on, except wiih the utmost opeuness, IVankneas, and fair dealing.' "The declaration I ihen made embodied ilie principies on which I had ahv;iys unifonnly acreil in relaiion to slavery ; and iu not a single iostance have I.orany one in my office, so far as my knowledge exiends, vioiated it. I cannot, consistenily with my views of whal honesly and fair dealing d!ctate,'to say nolhing of sound policy, engage, or in any way, direclly or indirctly, take part in any moveinent which would involve the necessity of strategy or trickery of any kind. " My paper bas been published sixteen months in ihrs chy. lts colninns are open to inspection. Those who have taken ihe Houble lo read it will testify ihat I have counselled no measures repugnant lo the ; that 1 have nbstained l'rom invective and denuneiation ; and addressed myself to the reason, the couscience, the patriotism. and sense ol honor of the slaveholders, inany of theni being near relaiives and personal IViends. Not one of my nuraÃ«rous excb'angÃ¨a in the South, however opposed to my views, has at any linie impuied to me ill-temper of a clandestine policy. _" With tln's plain exposition of my cpurse, it is hardly necessary for me to say that, in ihe recent transaotion which has exciied so much leeling, neither myself nor any person connected with me had any abara whaiever; hal the transaclion in fact became known to :ne only tiirough general report. "I write iliis lo disabuse the public mind, so that tbose who do not personally know me inay not be mposed upon by any misapprehension of my position. Certainly, I feel a great repugnance to being assailed forwhat I bave never done ordreamed of; but. if Ilegal violence be inflicted upon me for writmg and printing freely about slavery, or any other subject wliich it may suit an American einzen to discuss, ifien will I suffer cheeiÃ¯u!ly, in the confident hope ihat when passÃon and prejudice sball bave been dispelled, justice will be done to my character. But I will rrot suppose tbat ibey who are rejoicing in the enIYanchisement of the press in Paris, will themselves put fetters upon the press in Washington." Mr. CalhoÃ¼n (in liis seat.) Does he inake any denuncfalfon of the robbery ? Mr. Hale. He liad quite enough to do n (Ãefendiog hiinselÃ", and it was no part of nÃa (Ãuty to denounce others. Mr. Calhoun (in bis seat.) I understand tliat. ' Mr. Hale. I appenl to the sense of justice oftba SeÃ±ale, and ask what justificado there can be for assailÃnor cliaracter and prop eriy of a man who knew no more of this oc currence than any oÃ its members ? I tippen to the honorable Senator who spoke so eloquenily of r,e high and chivalric ideas of nglit whicli are eniertained in bis seclion oÃ the country Mr. Footr. I ask the Senator, and bento remind hÃrrt that twenty milh'ons of people are lislening to bis answer, in the circumstannes of the case, evidently known to him. does lie suppose that this occurrence could 'have taken place without exieusive countenance and aid from men of standing in tliis District, whether members ofCongress or oihers? Mr. Hale. I have no doubt that those persons rould not have got away wiihout some â id. It Ãs enough that i have disclairned all knowledgeofit. I thought, that vvhen the Honorable benator was speaking more tlian twenty jnillions of people were listening. He invites me to visit ilie State of Mississippi, nnd kindly. informs me tliat he vvould be one of those wlio would act the assassin, and put an end to my career. He would aid in brino-ing me to public execution - no, death by a mob. Well, in return for bis hospitable invitation, I can only express thedesire tbat he would penÃ©trate into some of the " dark corners" of New Harnpshire ; and if he do, I am much mistaken if he would not find that the people in that " benighted" regiÃ³n would be very happy to listen to hts argumenta, and enejare in an iniellectual conflict with hmi, in which ibe truth might be elicited. I tlnnk, however, that the announcement whicli the honorable Senator has made on this floor, of the fate which awaits so humble an individual as myself in the State of Mississippi, must convince every one of the propriety of tlie high eulogium which he pronounced upon her the other day, when he spoke of the high posilion which she occupied among the Staiesofthis confederacy. But enouh of this personal matter. I tbink, if I did not misunderstand the honorable Senator from South Carolina, tbif he issurprised at thetemerity ofthe senator from New Hampshire u introducing this bilÃ. LeÃ me ask, vvhat is this bilÃ ? What isthis incendiary bilÃ that has elicited sucha torrent ofinvecetive ? Has it been manufactured by some " fanaiical Abolitionist ?" Why, it is copied, almost word for word, from a lavvoi the statule-book wbich has been in operation foryeais in the neighboring State ofMaryland. It has no allusion, directy or indirectly, to the subject of Slaveiy. Yet I am accused of throwing it in as a firebrand, and in order to make war upon the institutions ofthe South. Hovv ? In God's name, is it come to this, that in the American Senate, and tn the year of grace one thousand eight lmndred and fortyeiglit, the rights of property cannot be named, bui the advocates of Slavery are in arms, and exclaim iliat war s made upon their inslitulions, beeause it is aitemped lo cast the proteetions of the law around the property of ao American citizen, wbo tppeals to ,in American Senate ! It has long been lu-ld Ã¼y you that yÃ³ur peculiar iristitutioo is incompatible with the rÃ¯glit of speech; but if il be also Incompatible vviili the saregÃ¼arde of the Coniimtion being thrown around property of American citizens, let the coutry know t ! If that is to betlie principie ofyour actiou, let it be proclaimed throughout thelengthand breadihof the land, that ihere is an institiition so omnipotent - so almighty-tbat even the sacred righta of life and property must bow down beforeit ! Do nol let ii be suid that that I have intioduced ihia subject. I have simply asked that the plaiiiesi provisiona of the cominon law the clearest dictates of jusiice - shall be extended and exercised for the piotection of the properiy of citizens of tlÃ¼s Disiiict ; and yet the honorable Senator (rom South Carolina is shor:led at iny teinerily Mr. Butler. Allow me lo ask one qnesli&n wiih perfect gooi) temper. The Semtor is discÃºssing th subject wiih some , but I ask hwn wlieiher he vvould vote fora bijl, properly drawn, inflicting punishment on persons invejgling slavea (rom the Disirict o Colurnbia ? Mr. Hale. Certainly not - and wliy ? Becanse I do not believe that slavery 'should exist here. Mr. Calhoui (in his seat.) He wishes to arm the robbers, and disarrn the people of the District. Mr. Hale. The honorable Senator is alarmed at mv tementy Mr CALHOUN(in his seat.) Idid not use Ihe word, bnt did not think it worth while to correct the Senator. Mr. Hale. The Senator did not use that term ? Mr. Calhoun. No. Isaid brazen, orsomething like tliat. Mr. Hale. The meaning ivas the same. It was brazen, then ! that I should introduce a bilÃ for the protection of property in tliis District - a bilÃ perfecily harmless, but whicb he has eonstrued into an attack upon the nsiittitions of tlie South. I ask the Senator and the country wherein consists the temerity ? I spupose it consists in the section of country fro-n which it comes. He saysthat we seem to tliink that the South bas lost all feelino-. Ah ! There is the temerity. The bilÃ comes fi-om tlie wrong side of a certain parallel ! Why, did the honorable Senator frorn South Carolina imagine that we of the JVorth, with our faces bowed down to the earth, and wiih our backs to the sun, had received the lash so long tnat we dared not look up ? Did he suppose that we dared not ask that the protection of the law should be thrown around property in the District, to which we cometo legislate ? , I desire no war upon that institution of I Slavery, in the senate in whicb the Senator understands the term. I will never be a party to any encroachments upon rihts guarantied by the constitution and tbe law-not at all. ] wisb no war but a war ofreason-of persuasiÃ³n -oÃ argument ; a vvar that sho'uld look to conincingtbeunderstanding, subduiog the affeodons, and moymg the Byinpathies ofthe heart. Tlmt is the only war'in whinh I would engiig. But ii is said irrat the time ba come -tliat the crisis bus orne, and tliat tbe South must meet it. Ii, all can.lor and bonÃ©sty then, let me siy, tliat tbere could not be a better plalform on which :o meet this quesiion, tlmn ihac presented by the principie of ibis bilÃ. I bere could not be a better occasion tlian tbis to appeal to the country. Let the lomo sound. Let tbe free Nortli be told that theireraven raprasrautives on the floor of tbe Site are not at liberty even to chiim tbe ( protecrion of the rights of property ! Tbe right of speech was saoiifieed lonr ago. But now it is to be pfoclniinad1, that we pannot even t troduce a bilÃ looking to the execution of tbe f plainest provisions of the Constitution, and f Ho clearer principies of jutic, for the c ection of personal rights, because gentleman choose to toiwtrue it into an attack upon that â particular iiwÃ¼tuÃion. (Concluded next week.) 07 The Illinois Democratie Convention ecommends Gen. Cass for the Presidcncy.