Good Government

Goód government is a very elastic term. lts meaning is pretty sure to be shaded by the personal inclinationa of the persons it. With some its highest realization is an pconomical admlnistration of public funds. With others the enforcement of every thing in the shape of law with which. the statute books happen to be cumbered covers the ground. And while there are those who think all government a failure which does not make (■veiy other citizen toe the mark chalked down by theniselves and conform in habits, muráis, religión, etc.. to their standard, we stUl have men us who believe th?.t the government which protects the life and property of the citizen in the slmplest pos.sible marnier and protects him in rhe right to eat, drink, think, act and speak as he chooses, so long ,is he does not trench upon the rights of other men, has fulfllled its every function. With Hon. Robert I,a Fjllette, of Wiseonsin, who lectured in University hall Saturday night, state Interferenee in the control of political perties is the proper caper and without lhi.s interference, Mr. La Follette assures us, the country wül go to the damnitlon bowwows ín splte of the vast army of country savers whose services offered the people at least once in two years. Mr. La Follette proceeefs upon the assumption that people who take enough interest in public affaii take part in caucus, and attenü ventions at which candidates f n public office are nominated, are pi'iroarily corrupt, and thcrefore their p .ütical activity should be subject to state surveillance. He would have thi state step in -and take charge oL the organization and management of poiitical partiea as it now does of the eïection and qualifleation of public oti; Wheiher this duty would also inelude the writing of platforms and enunciation of principies, Mr. La Follette did not int'orm us, but as these functions are an essential :u-t of politl :al orgranization it is Inferred that they would fall within the scope of nis maThe trouble with Mr. La Folletlo and others who are urging the p.i primary eïection laws ís that they take an erroneous view of the rïlation of the political party to the state. While lil ical party m ly or may not be necessary for the conducf if repres:entati-..' government it Is n i part of the state. It is merely an association of individual yoters for the purposi lmpressing some particular principie or set of principies upon the administratie of public affalrs. Jts suci ess will (Continued on Fourth Page.) (iOOD (ÍOVERXMEXT(Continiied from First Page.) depend upon the plausibility of lts professed objects. It certainly is not the province of a free got'ernmei.i lo shape the politica) predilectipns of the Individual elector. lf it is not the business of ths state to guard with parental solicitude the feelings which actúate the individual it is cértainly no pari of iis business to take charge of the political views of any number of individuáis win happen to be associated in the interest of some particular principie. Mr. i. a Follette urges that such measures are necessary to take th' manlpulatlon of caucuses oui of ih hands 'of politicians. But the doctrine that the state should take political parties under iis protectíon is a dangerous nne. The political party whose principies will not attract men f character t its counclls is nol worth preserving. No politica! party can bé better than the individuals composlng it. if the leaders of a party become corrupt and the rank and Ble indifferent 11 Is no concern to fhose whu do not belong ■i thnt association and whu are not interested in the suecess of its principies. The public has a reniedy in the ballot for bad nomlnations. Defoal at polls is the most salutary check apon corruptlon within the organization of a polltical party. If the members of a party do not apply remedy which is always at their ii that fact must be accepted as prima facie evidence that the evils of which the agitators complain do nol exist. When a politica] party lias reached :: stage svhere its n rr.inations are dictated by pernidous influences it has outHved lts usefulm sa and good ; Uizens wili flnd some othèr channel through which to express their conviotions. lt ia the voter whu prifers to submil to chicanery in the party with which lie has been identified. rather than assert his right of independent action, whu is responsible for mo3t of the rottenness with whieh political parties sometimes become afflicted. and ii would be unjust to the electorate at large to impose restrietions upon the right of suffrage for the sole purpose ui' protecting the elector who Will v te for a yellow it' placed in nonilnation by his party rather than split his ticket. We have now all the eleetion machinery necessary to secure good government. lt is not better eleetion laws but better eitizenship and i lieener appreciation of politica] duties th'ai we need to secure better government. There is no time under prest ut conditione when a majority of the people cannot ser just what they want. But the prlmary eleetion av proposed by the gentleman from Wisconsin would opérate to prevent the expression of popular will. In the first instance. it would be more difflcult to place a candidate beföre the primarj than it now is to secure a po3ition upon the official ballot, and yet the ïneentive would draw out many candldates. Men whu are familiar with Ihe pluceedings of nominating eonventións. where a number of c.mdidates are presented, know that many ballots are often necessary to secure a majority for any one. But in the prtmary eleetion only or.e ballot would be possible, and as a result whenever more than two candidatos are in the field the nomjnee v be chOgen lv imi.-h less than a majurity of his party. So far as the party is eonceraed it would insure a minority rule. But it would not in any case insure political activity upon the part 0Í the so-galled best; citizens for whoa Mr. La FoUelte essays to speak, and whu are either too fastidlous or too indftóht to mingle in the vulgar current of politics. The caucus and soflVention system are not nearly sn uad as those who are not ablc to control them would have us believe. lt is (in easy matter for those who do not agree with the action of a convention to get an opposition candidate in the field. "But," they say, "we could not elect him." Then tuis is suffleient proof that you represent the minority and until you convert the majority tu your way of thinking the passage of eleetion reform laws will be a waste of effort. Under .Mr. La Follette's scheme the organization of partios wouH be unntcessary if not Impossible, Indeed, all primary elections could be dispensed with so far as the influence of the individual is concerned. The state looks alter all of the details. The responsibllity of the citizen begins and ends with his casting of his vote. Biit the state, according to the early American idea, is the instrument for recording the popular will. The procésses by wKieh that will is fashioned rr.ust always, in a free state, be kept beyond the reach of official influence It is not contemplated that such iifliishould mould opinión or direct growth of sentiment. When they do, popular government is at ai, end.