Bayard On Hancock

Fki.low-Citi.kns I do not know that my voice can reach the eara of all this vast crowd, and therefore 1 ask yon to preserve order. There is a time for all minas- a time for Laughter and atimeforidle amusement; but when the time comes (or American citizens to take counsel together In respect to choosing their rulers, then, it seems to me, there should be gravity, a manly earnesti ess taking tlíe place of idfe amusement. My fellow-citizens, it is at all times tomeapreat pleasure Ui stand m an assemblage of Delaware men, for here [ was b' rn, among taem L have live;1, and woiked, and l have represented them in the public councils and received from them, rrom the hour of my entry ulo public life uut il nearly Uie close of my second Senatorial term- an unswerving support tliat would have sustained me even had 1 been disposed to doubt. This is sin occasion of great interest and Importauee. The nacional Demoeraoy- the party that never had a second object or a second intent; the party that alwaya stood by the bannere of the delegates, the representatives and the interests of every state in the üruon- this jireat party, animated by thegreatest patriotism, sent a fortnight ago deleates hom every state and from every territory to Cincinnati to take counsel togetiier to choose a standard-bearer of the faith and principies of that party in the coming, campaign for ttie choice of a President and Vice-President. Men of high character and intelligence, incerely desirous ot ilnmg wnat was )èst for the Whole country, made that lioicc. and I am here as your friend, as our politica) brother, bound with every nterest of your own, to say that I varnily üidorse the aetion of that con'ention. ïliey have not selected untnown men: Dot men of obscurity; not iifii who wonlil w. called in slang of :he time, " chirk liorses." io. they ïave ohoscn men on whom the brignt ightof public investigation bas heen Kinmgror years. For the lifetime of i generation have they been known. Phere is no man in America and few n my part of the world where the English anguage is Bpoken who did not know md honor Wínfleld Scott Hancock long fórethe Cineinnati Convention was hought of. [Applause and cries of ■ Right" and h Bravo."] And BO of bisworthy associate. Years ISO Indiana sent Wllliam II. EngUsb o represent her in the councils of the nation, and therehe gave proof of that steilir.g worth, high intelliaence and nnimpeachable character that makes íiim. to-day a tit man to take the cliair of Vice-President of the United States. ïlie Democratie candidato for dent is n untried man. On the contrary I shall show that lie has been ried. thorowghly tried, and that ae can lay claim to a record that has not fallen to the lot of any other ptiblie man of Iris time. [Applause.] In 1868 he was iiamed by many as the favorite eandidate for 'President, and the delegates trom Delaware at that convention, held in New York. balloted for bim, if 1 recollect right. He was also voted for in 1876, and now for the third time he stan:ls conspieuously befare the nation, with liis every act subjected to the vigor of partisan examination. And liow does he stand'? Spotless and without reproach, favored by the unanimous voice of the representativos .of the party. Now, gentlemen, let me ask you one thing. Having passed through this flre of examination, let me ask this crowd whethethere bas been the lirst breath of suspicion as to the honor, iutelligence, tidelity or patriotism of that renowned and great soldier? Wliy was he nominatedV ITe never held a civil office. ïnie. lie has a IIOIJUIUUÜ (I lufim.-.í -- ,, !_ you why. Because this man lias provea that God gave him the same charaeter istics of conscience and of aelf-contro whioJí he gave to the great Ueorgt v ■i-,iiiii"i.i i" M; i'-;-...!'.-, tii'w i mi utíerance of a stnmi speech, [t is the delibérate utteranc of a man struggling to see theright and to follow it. sjiicc the worïd was there has been no infhience so dangerous and corruptintr to men 's hearts as love of power Wbat was tree government desigued for but for the protection of tlie mraority agalnst the majority? The erreat difficulties and dangers to liberty nave arisen wherever men intrusted with power have used t to perpetúate their ownswayand bringabout tyranny instead of fimited govemment. We know wliat made Washington bo eonspicuous when lie laid down bis power and retired to tlie privacy of his home. Tlicre are as many men ás great as he in military knowledge and in tlie abilities of statesmanshi]), but how many other men vvould have voluntarily laid down bheir power when they coufd have used il for their aelflsh, tyrannical purposes? I wish you to oomprehend this,because it is the keynote of the nominationof Winfield Scott Hancock. lic held great power. Ile was Military Governor pf u targe oxtent of country.' Iliswiil enuld liave been as law. At his pleasure slood the liberty of every man. Wlmt was liis course- 'liis coms'e alone ol al! the military Rovernors in this country for the last lifteen yearsï "When asked in liouisiana and Texas to arrest persons he inquired where was the judicial process. Whenasked totry persons iy military comniissions. he pointed to the conrt house and to the jury of twelve. When asked to fine men and fake from their property, he demanded to know by what right under civil laws he cniiM"do these things. [Cries of "Bravo."] There have heen soldiere, perhaps, ns aijic, perhaps as courageous, u:d thatis sajnug a great deal; but uame me one wlio bas refused over and over again t exercise arbitrary power wlieu iie coulc have done so. [A voice " None."] No yon oant name one. I have seen distinguiehed men, educated wholly in the Republican party, giving adviee of the most arbitrary character that can be ('ourcivcil; hut win re do you liixl a man wko lias liad tiic chalice brought 'm 'hit, lips tliat lie might drink full of contro: ovar his fellow-creatures and who have yon :c'.'u mí it aside and say: "I am a military man; I am an American soldier, luit I am a eitizen with respect l the law wliich is the Constitution 1 swore to support?" We saw the Legislatura of South Carolina organized at the will of a eorporal, without any_ guard. You all know wliat was seen in Louisiana. J do not propose to o over these recollections in detail, nor lo cite the nnlawftil exereises of military power; bul Idesireto show what was tlie character of the distinguished man whom the Democrata nominated during the time of the cúrrenlo!1 tyrannyï rI'hefri'eatlesson to bederived trom the resistance made to the tyranny of Kin George is the lesson I would hold up to you now. One of the charges against that potentate was tliat he attenipted to subordínate the civil to the military power. Any man who attempts tliat is not iït to be a ruler of men. The nian of our choice echoes the same spirit that made our people free in "76, and which will only restore and consolídate that freedom in 1iS8(. Do you not remember that his power was as ampie, that he had the same organización, administration, or whatever olse yon ch'oose to cali it, that other generáis had? Compare him with the New Orleans general wfao besought the President to issue that prooLamation of outlawry- the proclamation deelaring that the white men of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, ïexas and Georgia shall be outlaws- " and leave the rest to me." Such was the dispatch, I shame to say, of a majorgeneral- aye, a lieutenant-general - of the Army of the United States. And f rom the cabinet at Washington was sent the response: " We all approve of your action. " These nameshave passed into history covered with lasting reoroach, for Belknap, who wrote that dispatch proved i base rogue, as treaeherous to the money of America as to the principies of liberty. Thïs was the principio- this is to-day tbe great derlying principie of tlie two great parties. Buring the atruggle froni 186Í to 1865 there was little law and could be nolaw butforce, but the dlfflculty bas beenthai power obtained by force lias been Boughf to be reijained by force. It Was attempted at Chicago to renominate a man who typifted nothini? but brute forre and arbitrary poweia (applause), but the attempt failed because there were othei machines- machines of the lobby, machines ol' railway management- and between them they quarrelled and önally dropped upon i comparatively unfcnown delégalo ii the convention. [Applause and Laughter.l I have been a representa! e ín ( ongress tor the last twelve cars, and know wherefore i speak. Efut ir.-t l wish to say that I do not impeach tlie patriotism of tiir.se men that difCerwith meandhold that the safety óf the country is lst presei"ved by the republican party, but 1 wish them and yon to see wherethal party would carry usafcould it remairi in power. By force the war was ended, and When il was ended a reign of peace should liave taken its place, bul lo e of power was there, and unlike Washington and Hancock, men wereuijwillingtogiveit up, and so there lias been a struggle between the kindncss and love 01 nnion of the American leople- their disposition to forget and 'orgive- on the one hand, and the desireofthe republican party to maintaiii control by any means on the other band. 8ee how they have centralized power. We are all citizena of Delaware and the United States. Wliy, after the experience of one liundred j ears, ahould we not be trustee! to conduct our own electionsï I only mention Ibis as one of the steps the republicana look to mamIn 1876 tli ere was very nearly 800.000 more votes cast for the democratie than t.ii vcmililican candidate. Not only was there a popular majonty at the polls, but a majority of Bome twenty electoral votes. Whatwasdoae? rhe Cabinet at Washington, controlled by the, military spirit of a nieve.ly military man - a man who never laid down power willingly- sen1 troops ander a BugBestion of tlie Secretary of Interior, the late Mr. Ohiindler of Michigan, and lic liad a willing aid in Mr. ('ameron of Pennsylvania, Secretary of N ar. At their bidding armed torces without a word of protest i'rom any quarter, among the offlcers in command, but with the ready alacrity of the General of the anny, were sent to Columbia, Tallahassee and New Orleana to protect three boanis of canvassing officers in a delibérate perversión of the results of popular elecfion. What was the comse of the twogreat Pdrties of the country at that timev tt is a rearful thing to live under a government we do not respect. The democratie party loofced upon the shameful WOrk of fraíid and forcé. What was to be done'i Before 1 went to Washington-and a sadder man never went there- (cry of " God bless you " and applause)- Iwas anxious to know how a mercifu] God would enableus toescape the overhanging cloud. Atribunal to purge the elecüon of lts frauds was dedded Hpon. Patnotic reoresentatives did not ask wnether tlial act was poptilar or not, bnt determined that confusión should not come upon the land if their straightforwaranesa and tenacity of purpose would prevent it. ,. , . The whole country was relreved ot the apprehension of confusión. A candidate was named tosuceeed Mr. Hayes in 'nis ill-gottei) place. I am opposed to everything that tends to perpetúate a irovemment in disregard of the people. Whai argument did Gen. Grant use? The only one he eyer knew and ever obeyed- the bayonet. When we wereassembleddeliberatingforapeaceful result, not in Mexican fashion of upsetting, but in American fashion of rp.a Honing, what was the course of the I!iIJt;s ujM.uft, 1ti,..r'j. utisii.V Oh, 110. turbance the government was to Be seiz.ed and held. VVhere was Garfleld tl(:i asiii what part did he take? for we are told that c lias a civil record. [JLaughter and applause.] lic saldyou nave the ai'niy. you llave tlie navy. ytm liave the treasury, you have the Exectitive, and then í'lie'is predited withthis language, which I believe he used) he added, " If you had guch carda as these woiiMn't you play them'r " Carubling with the destiny of our nation! Mr. Garfleld is a distinguished man. He has line abilitv. lie is intelligent and cultivated. So much the greater reason for the country to demanq from liim higli patriotism, and so much the worse for liiin if lie proves th:' want of subordination oí' partisan feelings and disposition to the country 's interest. When we were stri ving our best, when tliirleen out of fourteen oined in signing that bill- all of lliem, e.xcept O. F. Morton, who preferred a confusión in which the Republicana could prolong their administration and a ney temire of power to hini and hls associates - at this time Garfleld usedhis line powers against that measure of wisdom. He decl.irei! there was 110 warrant for it under the Constitutioa, and then, straiïge to say, ha went upon the mi ttee and swore tu ex ecu te its powers. 1 leave h tohim to explain his eonduct -I teave it to anyone to explain it. Itinr tlie lusl four wars yon iiave Seenln peacp, if yon'Iiave been at lib'ti to attend your daily avocations and (iiild up fortunes, do not thank the oen who preferred the mailed hand of [Tlysses Grant to lawful rule. Garfield s no unkiiiiwn man. He lias a long reord. He lias been lona: a leaderamong ie advocates of forcé bilis, suspension ifhaheas corpus, military usuipation nul every othr doeans resorted to by lis partv tojflolonjrtheir power. There ias not been a measure tending to exalt he military above thecivil power, not j question tending to créate animosity between the sections, in which James A. Garfield was not on tbo same side. All tliis ve propose to end by plaeing in power a man who, althongh a distinguished soldier, never forgot that his uitizenship was a higher distinction. [Applausc.] The ogje of Hancock is that the civil power is abo ve i lie military. Sectionalismshould not be allowed as a party cry. What is called the bloody shirt must be folded up forever, and the Ameñcan people should be brought together asoné people, with one Sovernmentand witli equal right and aftection towards it. rhesearethe logica] results and he lias Teen tried. Il', asa MajorGeneral, he lias done tliis, would he do otherwise as President? Remember tliat Hancock not orüj earned liis great renown by refusing arbitrary power, buthealso incurred the animosity of thoae whose purposes he refused to carry out and lio could makfi liis positton in the army an uncomfortable one. Ufortunately, there lias been too much of this partisan feeling in thé army and the navy, and men to in promotion have had to do bo atthe expense of independence and by eovering themselvea with partisan clotliing. i have reason to know of the case ofanofficer who Incurred the dispicasm-e of President Grant, and who asked in vain fot a reason un tü a leading Bepublican Senator toid him thal he had been indiscreet in dining and wining with certain Democrats. PLiaughter.l ït is tliis spirit tliat is dangerous to the army, to tlie navy and to iis all. Whentliis spirit- the spirit of Sheridan's dispatch- prevalía, why then, indeed, tlie army changes from being the beloved servante of the, nation into a very great danger. Hancock is more than a true soldier. As i citizen he values bis right and power as a soldier. 1 1' vod aak me why love Elancock fsaybecause I know that with him the liberty of my country will le safe. [Applause and' cbeers.] He has proved it. Jlis Iife is to-daythe most brilliant example- (interrupting voice away back in thecrowd: "Excepï fqurself") - that we have among our nilitary men. r do not say tlmt there Lre none so brave, so able as lie, bnt I lo say that none have been so trled as ie and proved liimscli' tu possess tlie ofty self-contro] which induced tlie aying down of power at the command if conscience. This is why I claim he should be sustained all over the land. My iïiends, I bid you good niglit. I have trie 1 1 o meet this question fairly. Itmaybe remarked thai we have always talked against military power and yet have taken up military man. My answer is. we do bo not becauue lic is a rnilitary power. Wc admire his galI intry and honesty; but Hancock is pot ouly a soldier; liéis a man,acitizen,imbuêd with knowledge of what citizenship should bu in a government of law. Cïay, there is anotiier reason; thei'e are many reasons, but lel me state one mora: there has been a great outcry in the Nurtli tli;it, the Southern people were antagonist ie to the Northern and hated the governmeiit. Nowitseems to rae thatthis bn bble must beprieked. With a solid South lor Wmöeld Scot-t Um.eock, it seflis t,i me there should be a solid Ñorth fie same way. Surely, if the Southern people choose Ilancork for Bome sinister end, they must not only to great knaves but great idiote, lf this battle has to be ;i success - and God Krant tfoat it may sneceeci in the fullesl sanse- what better instance of success can be found than to see the man who vcarred against lt? Iftliat be not the fruits of statesmanship, then pray teil me what is statesmanship for? Speeches followed by ex-State Attorney Charles B. Lore and ex-Deputy State Attorney öeorge H. Bates. 'Uien II ie. crowd dispersed with eheei-s for Hancock and ImisíüsIi and au uqually rousing shont for Bayard.