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Ben Butler

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Benjamin F. Huiler made a speech a Fanueil Hall, Boston, Satiirday even ing. The hall was packed. The meet ing was presided over by Tlon. Alber Palmer, of Boston, the Chairman of th Massachusetts republican independent of last year, who in the opening speech announced that he had decided to sup port Hancock. The following is th substance of ' GENERAL BUTLER'S SPEECH. General Butler was enthusiasticall reeeived. When the cheering had sul sided, he began to teil whv he had de cided to support Hancock for the Pres dency. In so doing be promised at th outsét neither to detraet f rom or adc one jot or tittle to that declaration o principies which had been his guide i politicallife- equal rights,equal power erjual burdens, equnl privileges aiu eiual proteetion to all men by law un der the sovermnent. TTo sM that h had examined witli care the platform o principies enunciated by the Demo cratic party at Cineinnati and founc nothing therein to contravene them Indeed, they were more distinctly se fortli therein thim in the platform o the Chicago convention. Neither o them went so far as he could desire i specific declaration of theright of ever man to vote in theelection of hisrulers and to be represented in his govern ment simply because he is a man; bu in this regard even the platform of th Cineinnati convention was the moi gpeciSc. General Butler continued: I unhesitatingly declare that at th plpae nf t.hfl vvnr and during the perk of reconstruction 1 was ofte or bk who believed stringent measures neces sary for the protection of the newly-en f ranchised colored citizensin the South I was of this opinión in 1876, fonr year ago, anü iougiit tne presuienuai cam faign of that year upon that issue onh was in earnest. Idesired laws to b passed that should protect every ma eyerywhere in liis righta as a voter ara citizen. Hut the first act. as we hav seen, of Mr. Hayes, acquiesced in by h party, was to abandon all possible clain of right of interference in tlie South i behalf of the negro- to remove the few troops that were there, if any were nep essary, and to take pains to turn ove the government of Louisianaand Sout Carolina to the democratie party, des troying the governments elected by re publican votes there, which, if 'the were not duly and legally elected, the Mr. Ilayes himself was not duly an legally elected. The assertion of th one fact must be the assertion of tb other. The assertion of title to hi office must be the assertion of title t the republican state government o Louisiana. The denial of the electio of Governor Packard to office was tb denial of the election to office of Gover nor Hayes. Indeed, Fackard had som half a score thousand more of a majon ty than Hayes had. NOTH1NG FOR PROTECTTOïi. Nothing has been done, nay, nothin has been attempted to be done to al ford profection to the negro in the South or indeed anybody else there. Indeec these states in the South were put i condition so that nothing could be don by the federal government. ÏTay, al both white and lack republicans, hav had no recognition at the hands of th administration, except the few me who were engaged in the f alse and f rau dulent countingof electoral votes in th several states. In fact Mr.IIayes,afte his experienee with them, would no admit there were enough republican honest enough to take the census, am his party now arefinding fault with th enumeration made by his appointees These facts are too nótorious for com ment even. much less denial. Am I, friend of the negro, bound to fight an other campaign in his behalf as a re publican simply to see him abandonec and myself chented once more? Wha juarantee have I tbat General Garfiek will take a different view of this ques ion froni Goyernor llaves? They ar both from Ohio and eacn bas been am is a supporter of the other. Why ar republii-iins to be deemed tohave ban doned their poUtical principies and gon over to the enemies of the country be f-ause we propose to vote for a ITnioi general for President, while Mr. Hayes uho has been the moral and officia liead of the republican party, seconc only to President Woolsey, of 'Yale,cai with applause anpoint a Confederat general to a Oabinet office'? I fail to see any distinction between the two acts in any aspect, save that we nr croing to vote for a great general am Haves appointed a little one. Jiow 'hen, it is because I am a íriend of the negro; it is because I desire to stand fo him; it is because I desire o do all tha n nie lies to aid him in the difficnl posilion in which he is placed by fhe atiainment, so unprepared, of the eiti zenstitp, that I now propose to act wit] the Democratie party. They at leas can protect him, and,I believe, will d( ït. WTTY TTIERF. WAS ANTAGOISTISM. We have not heai d of any oppressioi of tlie negro or interference with hi rights by any organized lxdy of men except at times of election. W'liy'? Be causo we were asking him to then voto and sustain the republican party. Hu while we were asking him to do tha we were not defendinghim in so domr That raised antagonism between hin and the white people of the South, anc that antagonism was accompanied witl all the bad results that arise from such antagonisms netween ignorant men who are. nnrestrained by law. But now, in my Judgment, tlie conflition of things has changed. Late, politiral evonts in Virginia show that when the power deparfed from the republlcan party there the two partios in the 'lat" (lividecí npon other qviestions and the negro enjoj's there to-day as nmelí freedom in voting and a müch freedom in all other respect s as any white man enjoya - far more, I am sorry to be obliged to nllow, than does the laboring men of Mftssachuretts nnder some oí the mill-owners of Worrester oonnty. whicli is the lióme of the jnnior member of the United States Senate,who met him in conclave for that purpose. The industrial condition of the Sonth shows that the negro, necessary as a laborer, mimt be protected, and wil! be as soon as cal niitMjroni.-nis dis out. The negn has nee his freedora disappointed both friends and foe in two regard. First, it was believed that lie would notlaboi as a free man, yet the South las nevèi rai ,ed by hundreds of thousands so niany Viales of cotton ar. the present year. Again it was believed that he would not multiply without a master preserve and protect his offspring. Hut ïf the returns of republican appointed census ofticers are to be taken, he has shown Buch increase in population as bas always been deemedby statistieians the highest evidence of happy homes and a prosperóos people. RACK COLLISIONS TO BHD. Believing, as I do, with the election of General Hancock race collisions will be at an end; kiwwing, as I do, that hp has the executive power, determination and steadfastness in right that has never (altend, I think I can trust him to see that the pronaise of his letter of acceptance that the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendinents sliall be carried out in their letter and spirit. I freely eonfess to you that I desire to be in such relations of political kindness and courtesy with the democratie party that I may be permitted to point out m behalf of' the colored men what I deem would be í'or the best interest of all and what I doubt be foi the best interest of all and what I doubt not will be their wish to do in his behalf. Hut of one thinf? I am certain,that I cannot be more powerless for good to the colored race under General Hancock, the democratie party holding the governmentj than I have been, and every other friends of the colored men has been nnder the administration of Butherford B. Hayes. Theonly reason given why the repuhlican party should be continued in power is the present properity of the country, whieh they do not explain how, is due to the legislation or administration of the republican party. Is this claim a jtist and tenable one? But, citizens of Massachusetts, let us cousider affairs a little nearer home, with which we are better aequainted. Before the advent of the republican party into power every river and harbor on our coast was engaged in ship-buihling. It was a vast and successful industry. Now there is not i single ship being built in Massacliusetts and hardly a half-score of smaller craft. THE AMERICAN FLAG FITRLED. Under Republican rule our commeree lias been swept from the sea. We have buta single line of steamships bearing our flag on the Atlantic, and another on the Pacific Otean, to do all our f eisrhtinaby steam. RepubHrau administration has ffiven up our trailo wilh South América. The American Flagis hardly seen oti the ocean, The port of Boston bas not sufficient foreign conimeroe to give decent support to its gin all pilot force. Boston is losing its Inrportance as a commercial city hecause of Republican legislation and administration. lts standard Insurance cotapany can flnd scarcely more marine risks than enough topay" its office rent All the facts the merchants of Boston who sit around me and know. Andyei it is proposed that they shall still permit Hepublican adniiiiistration to g ou nider whicll tiin de i . u ■ s interests is being accomplished. When the war closed nearly every one of our seaport toWns had fleets of fishermen All those have passed away, save in one. And why? Under Republican aclministration we have been netfOtiated out of therights of all our tisheries in the northern seas Claiming to be the party of protection, the Republican party have allowed the lish of tlu Canadian proyinces to come in free o: duty, the duties on which would have been more than the value of the entirp ríitíl nf nur iihornip.n in (iauadiyt waters, even afterthensh were caugh' and prepared for market, to say noth ing about their value when swimming in the sea. And at the same time Republican administration lias taxec the country more than five millions ol and a half in gold that the Canadian (I.-shermen might have this pijvilege ol free market against our fishermen for twelve years. THE TAEIFF QUESTIOÍST. The Republican pajty claim that they desire a tarifr for protection. Tlie Democratie party insists, as it always has insisted, upon tariff foi revemie. I see no difference between these two claims. A tariff for revenut must ahvays work incidental protection. No tariff will ever be devised ii tliis country hereafter for any othei purpose than raising a revenue. Then can be no fear of any diminution o the revenue raised by tariff. Incidental protection of our products.wil be a necessity if the Democratie part should cutdo'wn the revenue from the tariif, it would retpúre more revenue from interna! sources. to wit, whisky and tobáceo, to which their severa States would never assent. General Butler next touched upon the abuses which have crept into the Hepublican party through a long series of years in power. lias theRepub lican "convention, he asked, given us for íts candidate one who can corree: these abuses? He reviewed the Credii Mobilier business and the investigation of the committee, and said: I believe most of the centiemen 01 that committee now say that there was nothing to impeach the integrity of the nominee of the Republican party in receiving that stock. I do not think there was any harm, and never did think there was any harm in anybody"s receiving the stock from Mr. Ames, ñnder the circumstanees. I took that ground before the House in 1873, I have seen no occasion to alter my opinión. All the members who frankly testified before the committee that they had received the stock received no censure from the committee or from the country. But that is not the point of my objection, which I am trying to make plain. Having taken the money as a dividend- for, says the proverb: "It is no worse to eat the devil than to divnk his broth"- my ideal of a President would not have denied it. The case is not without parallel in history of men not able to withstandthe pressure of public opinión. Peter, when he got amongst the servants ana retalners of the Iligh Priests, denied his mastcr tliree timos over, and cursed and swore to it until fie cork crew shame on him, and tlien he went out and wept bitterly. But then, L should not have voted for Peter as a President to stand up in a crisis. Shoiild have prefened one of tl ie otlier disciples- even the doubting Tilomas, who stood by liis Master after he was convinced. THE SALAUT GRAB. Upon this question, wlietlier the Repnblican .nominee for President has the courage and deteimined inanhood to stand by his own convictions, regardless of public clamor, 1 t.ike leave to cal! 10 mind another public matter in whieh I was somewhat persorMly concerned. I refer to the increase öf sal;iry bil!, callcd by some c4 1he virtuoi Tlopul)licanii;ipeis"theback-pay steal,?' wlucli, accordincr to the custom of all parliamentary bodies on like occasions, was made retroaetive. The nominee at Chicago was on the committee on Appropnatious, and although thibill for increase of salary was reported by ine as an amendment to the appropriatloB bilí. I ucver had any reason to fear his opposition to its passage through the house. As he miglit have been opposed to it I do not say that he was not, but his opposition made no such inipicssion upon hip that I can remember it. A fter the bill became a law he did exaetly what he liad a Heht to do and ought to have done - he took his back pay, nppropriated for him by Congress. The bill wils passed to mVef ejtactly Biich cases as his - men who liad nolegitmate, lucrative ptofession and oo large private fortune, and who could not without making such sacrifices as they ought not to inake remain ín Congress, inving tainiiies to support, upon tlie salary they were reoeiving. And they onght noi, to do 80. It exposed tliem to temptations. Boon after a newspaper slorm arose - every man was attacked wbo had the steadfastness to stand by what he thought was right. Under these attacks the nominee wilted. He could not stand the pressure. He pa'd Iv.u k into the treasury the increase salary which he had drawn out. If he inlit In have done that because he was nut entitlcd t(i H, of courso if elëcted President lu; will never draw the $25,Ooo a year additional salaryas President, whlcfi waa passed in the 'same bilí, especially as he voted toput back Mi own salary as rnember of Congress where it was before. WIIAT SURETY IS THEBE? What surety have I if I support Gar5eld when tliia cry of the stalwart wing of his party that the negro nmstbepro;ected, now so loud raïsed, is lmshed after the election and the over-righteous ïewspapers of the party insist, as they tefore have insisted, that nothine sliall )e done by his administration for the rotection of the negro, that their Presrlent will have courage to stand iipaganst that clamor and do what is now ilalmed to be right and so proteet the negro? Indeed I much fear that he vill not stand up to this issue of the campaign upon which he is to be electid, if elected at all in any event, for I ind that in the House of ives he made a dedaration upori this questinn, taking precisely the same position which I take to-day. These ire his words: "The man who atempts to get up a political excitement n this country on the old sectional isues will iind himself without a arty and without support." ]5ut the advance leaders of his party, seeing the ïecossity of a war cry, nave made the ectionaj issue that of the campaign, irectly in contravention of theircandilate's words. If their nominee was onvineed in his own mind; if he utterd this declaration as the result of his eliberate judgtnent now for tlie sake )f an election, what surety have I that ie won't return to it ai?ain after the ressure is relieved from him and he is lected. Ilej as well as Ilayes, may liange on this question. I cannotdo it o readily. Is this man a leader for a reat peopley AN AI'FEAIi FOB HANCOCK. Turn your contemplation for a molent toward the gallant general noiniated atCincinnati, who, in a long lie life, has held many positions of the j highest responsibility, wherein his ! c iiirse of aotion must be decided bj his own anaided judgment and senie of right, and show me ;m instance vhere he ever shrunk from any dutv, hovever painful, when it was his dñty? If any one desires to read his inind and search out the springs of his action, let him read that most admirable letter to general Sherman upon the unhappy conljtion of affaire arising out of The Preidentialelectionof 1878. Written in llie confldence and under the stsal of nrivite eorrespondence, it exhibita Genaal Hancock'8 innermost tliouglit as ihe obcdient soldier witliin the line Irhere obedience was duty, the analytical statesman, who gnided tiimself by research into tlie lauguage and principies of ihe Oonstitution, taking that for his guile and evincinjt a iptmrnination not to recede one hair from its mándate, or step one ineh beyond its provisions un cr whatever stress or pressure. Such is our leader, men of M wsachusctts! You have now the golden opportunity to ut the destinies of the country under he gnidance of his tir.n hand, stronv wll, mature judgmont, toyalty to the Uiion for whlch he bftttíed and tidelity to its Constitntlon, which has ever made he guide of his actiou.


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