A National Employers' Union

A widespread movement is under way on the part of employers of labor to bring about an organization of the diversified industries of the country as a means of protection against labor organizations. Among the points made by those prominent in the movement is that while employers of labor are willing to make concessions in matter of pay and hours, they must insist upon running their own business. A year ago this organization numbered 978 firms, but at the meeting of the executive committee in New York city last week, it was reported that the number has now reached 2,264 employers and manufacturers, representing every state in the Union. At the recent meeting arrangements were discussed to enable the association to watch all legislature at Washington and at the various state capitals with the view of protecting the interests of employers in so far as this is possible to do through vigilance. The executive committee is composed of men representing many of the big concerns of the country. D. M. Parry, of Indianapolis, president of the association, made the following statement about the movement:

"Neither the labor agitators, the proletariats, the ecclesiasts nor those who are seeking to arrange arbitration meetings, nor the press have any idea od the tremendous movement that is under way among all classes of employers all over this country. Without regard to politics, religion or petty rivalries the men who have their money and their interests centered in manufactures of every description have reached the conclusion that they must act as a unit in a general movement insuring them the control of their own capital. They have granted shorter hours and cheerfully paid higher wages, but they will not yield the right to decide how they are to conduct their own business."

Such an organization will undoubtedly constitute a powerful counteractive to labor unions and the two, representing on the one side capital and on the other labor, will probably tend to bring to the consideration of differences and disputes a more judicial handling of the causes of troubles between capital and labor. The tendency will probably be to increase the changed of settlement on a basis equitable and just to both sides.

There are some indication that the machine senators in the state senate are weakening some in their radical opposition to everything bearing the label, primary election. They still have some semblance of regard for public opinion it seems. Possibly they fear for their own political future and the future of some of their kind who wish future political honors at the hands of the people. It is said that they may concede the nomination of county officers and either governor or members of the legislature by direct vote of the people. In other words they do not desire to bear the odium of adjoining without doing anything on this question which is practically the only important question on which the people have asked any legislation at this session. But if any legislation of this kind is enacted, it will be through fear of what the people will do, provided nothing is done.

William Alden Smith speaks up strongly for primary reform. He says, relative to primary reform: "If we are to be humiliated and disgraced by senatorial impotency, it will be our duty to wage continued warfare against such leadership." This is what should be done, but possibly William Alden's personal ambition makes him more strenuous just at this time. However, whatever his motive may be in opposing the present state senate, he is on the right side of the foremost issue in state politics and is entitled to credit therefor. He says, however, that he would forego personal ambition for the sake of the reform. The people of the state of Michigan are going to have a primary election law and that in the not distant future and they will be likely to reward those public servants who have led the van for this much need reform.