Gov. M'kinley

The selection of Akron as the place for opening the Republican cainpaign is peculiarly gratifying to me. Akron ha long been one of the most progressive and prosperous cities of the Btate. In 1890 the capital represented In lts manufacturing industries ranked it fourthi among all the cities in the state. It 1890 t employed 5,791 men and the value of lts prodnct wasnearly 1 12,000,000. It made a phcnomenal progress during the last decade, and I only hope I may be able to congratúlate you upon still greater advancement during this. I am glad to speak my first words here this yc:ir. especially because of a coincidence that some of you may recall. Near thts city In 1?84, I opened my congrcssional campaign to one of the largest meetings ever held in the county, which marked the beginning of a campaign which steadily grew in interest until a great vlctory was won by the republican party. I recall, witli leelings of gratitude, the great work of the people of this city and county In that canvass and the cheering result of a triumphant republican majority in this county and congresslonal district, believed to be, and made by, the leglsture to be safely democratie. We meet in polltical discussion for the flrst time since the overwhelming defeat In 1892. We meet with deep concern and in changed conditions from those happily exlsting when we last assembled. The business condition of the country has created just alarm among our people, and is so pravo that the president of the United States has convenea congress in extraordinary sesslon with a view to securing prompt relief. The president in hls message to the congress he has convened, says: "The existence of an alarming and extraordinary business situation involving the welfare and prosperity of all our people has constrained me to cali together in extra session thepeople's represen tatives. Values supposed to be fixed are fast becoming conjectural, and losses and failures have invaded every branch of business." The presenoe and pressure of the situation described by the president is feit in every sectlon of the country, and few, if any of our people are exempt from it The rich and the poor are in distress and are hoping and praying for relief from the strain and wondering when and how it will be found. This business condition calis for sober refiection and demands of all of us the most careful judgment as well as the exercise of the highest patriotlsm. Whatever comes or goe, we are all for our country. Having settled that mucn, we can dlspasslonately discuss what will best return it to the magnlflcent prosperity whieh it has so recently lost. At such a time as this the voice of sober conservatism and wise statesmanship should rule. It will do no good lo flnd fault The falth-Qnder is of more use just now than the fault-flnder. Criticism of the past should give place to confldence in the future. Whoever may be responsible for bringing this condition upon us Is no longer important; but whoever stands in the way of relief to the country from its present stress Is responsible for its continuance and is a public enemy who will be held to awful accountabllity. If, as party or individuáis, any have been wrong on public questions, they should want to get right, and now is the time to do it If they have committed ihrmselves to a policy which experience or observation has demonstrated is unwise, and unfneudly to the highest prosperity of the country, they should abandon It at once. Thísisno time for theoriiing. Practical Btatecraft is the supn-me duty of the liour. The purebase by the government of 4,500,000 ounces of silvcr every month under the Sherman law, so called, and the issuance in payment tbcrefor of treasury notes in the sum of the value of the silver thus bought, is believed in the great flnanclal centers to be the cause which, if not wholly responsible for the present Bituation, has contributed thereto. The president shares fn this general belief most fully and says, at;er describing the deplorable condition of the country: "I relieve these thlngs are principally chargeable to congresslonal legislation touchlng the purchase and coinage of silvcr by the general government, and I earnestly reiommend the prompt repeal of the provisions of the act passed July 14, 1830, authorlztng the purchase of silver bullion." Senator Sherman, who was a member of the conference commlttee in the Fifty-flrst congress, whieh agreed to the act of July 14 18S0 (the silver parchwe law) has announced hls be lief that the purchaslng clai se of that law should be repealed, and last year, before the inaugura tion of President ( l.-vrmid. introduced into the senate a bilí to repeal it It is fair to assume, therefore, that whatever the so-called bhermon law has to do with the present condition of our ñnances, it must now go, unless Mr. Cleveland's party in the senate prevent It. The great majorlty of republicans In congress are openly committed to its repeal, as shown by their votes In the house on the Wilnon bül anó in the senate by the debate wbich has alrtady taken place; and if it fail, it will be because the democratie representatlTea and democratie senators who constitute the majority in both branches of congress, stand in the way of its repeal. It it is repealed it win be the joint work of republicans and demócrata If it is not repealed the responslbility will rest upon the democratie party which is chargeable with public legislation, having been entrusted with control of every branch of the eovernment On the subject of money the republican party stands where it has always stood. In the language cf the ühio platform this "We favor honest money, composc d of gold, silver and paper, maintained at equal value and under national and not state regulaiion " The best money obtainable Is the safest money for all of the people. Whatever uncertaliity may exist M to other things, Ihere sho ld be no uncertainty as to the value of the money with which wemeasurethe exchanues of the people their Products and their labor. That shoulü b. as fixed and unvarylng In value as humin Inirenuitv can make it We do not want to strike down Hther gold or silvor. We tram t, om both metáis, but we insist now, as we have always insisted, that the one 8hall be at a parity with the other to the end that we may have the use oí both: that each shall be the equal of the other intrinsically, as wcll as in legal tender and in debt-paying power. The silver product ui the country, one of the most important we have should not be discriminated against, but some plan should be devised for its oüUïatton as a money whieh will insure, not the displacement of gold, but the safe and full use of both as exchanges among the people. AU the money wo have to-day is good. When the disturbances in business commenced this year, the outstandïng currency In this country waB the largest in volume per capita ever known in our own hlstory. The volume of currency outside ííwííSK" n AUfe'U8t '' 1893' Wtts more than U.eoo.000,000, or 24.32 per inhabitant, agalnst 110.23 in 1802; 18in 1872; 122 In 1886, and J23 45 In 1891. So that the trouble cannot have been want of currency but has resulted from want of contidence. Not a contraction of currency by the government, but a want of confldence in the proposed polier of the government We never in al! onr history, had so much money per capita as a basis ior business as we have to-day. But the money has gone out of circulation! much of it has been hoarded, through fear "of the future. On August 6, 1892, the bankors ol New York City had deposlted with them 8528,. The 6S,300, and their loans were t48!t,7T7,10O. On August 5 thls year these deposits htd been reI to .TOis.'-'uü- :153.5JO,OUO had Ken taken from these banks because of the lack of contidence which had sejzed driMsitur. Thslaigo decreaae in deposits compelled a reduciú-n of loans to custoiners of the banks in tne sum of 180,000,000. The withdrawal of M66,00J,000 by our cifi'.ens. to be hoanU'il away and taken out of the ai-iiv.Vthiinm N of business, compelled, on the part of the banken, a reductlon of more thao -.SJ.OO.1,000 of their loans outstanding, and to thnt extent, -0,000,000 more were taken from the active industries and anterprtata of the country. Wnh confldence in the future once restored, wiih an abandonment of the declared purpose to introduce a revenuo tariff policyin thls couniry. wi:h a resolution adopted by congress announcing a polioy whloh shall be genuinely American, confldence will come back, and this vast sum of money will önd its way into the banks and in due course into the channels of mide. The suggestion for state bank money, coming from any quarter, should be promptly rejected, and the party proposing it should be deprived of the power to promote such a schemc. The experience through which we have passed durin? the last three months should admonish us that whatever other kind of money we may employ, state bank money should not be thouzht of. Had our one hundred and twenty suspended national banks been state banks, following their suspension would have come discredit to their notes, which would hftve been nowhere received, and a monetary disturbance would have ensued that must have caused universal bankruptcy and ruin. Even as it was, and bad as it was, to have these na tional banka suspend, it ig to be noted to the credit of the system that the bilis of ever y sus pended national bank were as good as gold and pass as freely as though the banki li id never closed. The president in his recent mossage makes a significant and for him a sornewhat surprising statement Hesay: "It may be true that theembarrassment from which the business of the ooüntryti Buffering arlses as much from evils apprehended as from those actualty exlsting. " I believe that in this sentence the president has uttered a írrcat truth, one which will tind in the mind of every thoughtful man a quxk aud approving response. Whatever other things may have attributed to our present condition, cvery man knows, as the president puts it, that the great underlying cause is from "evils prehended" - evils which are yet to come- evüs whieh are tbreatened - evils which it is belleved will follow the executed decrees of the last Democratie Xutiorr.il platform. He anno mees in his message the real evil to be apprehended. He emphasizes the menace in almost the last paragraph of the ' message, from which I quote in the following language: "It was my purpóse to summon congress in special sesslon early in tfie coming September that we might enter promptly upon the work of tarlfl reform, which the truc interests of the country clearly demand, which so large a majorlty of the people, as shown by their suffrages, desire and expect, and to the accomplishmint of which every eflort of the present administra tion is pledged. " This is the note of warning. Thls is the alarm belL This is the evil to be apprehended, and the one most of all others which the country fears, and because of which it is, in a large part, suffering to-day. He renews the threat of his platform and declares that every effort of the administraron shall be employed to carry it lnto execution. Remove that threat, and confldence would at once come back; business would resume lts oíd conditíon; milis would start, and idie men tind work and wages. It is the anticipation of tariff reform or free trade or a revenue tariff which has set the country whereltis. Who can doubt That a revolution in our tariff pollcy is to be expected admita of no doubt The democratie eandidate for governor this year, Mr. Neal, proclaims the purpose and pollcy of the democratie party in the pending campaign in these words: "Tariff reform must be our battle cry Make the fight active, aggressive, offensive from start to finish. Success will in such case be assured to us. The vtctory will be a decisive one. It will forever expunge the foul blot of protection from the Liir escutcheon of our grand and mighty republic The result will be flnally received by the members of alljiartles as tbe f uil and final judgment and decroe of the people of the entire country upon this great problem of taxatlon. The voice of Ohio will, with universal acclaim, te held the voice of the nation.'" These are the delibérate, carefully prepared and maturely consideredut:erances of my dis tinguished competltor spoken before the cosvention which placed hfm in nomination. He proclaimed tariff for revenue only as their battle cy, and announces with boldness theïr purpose to forever "expunge the foul blot of protection from the fair escutcheon of ourprand and mtghty republic." I accept the issue thus tendered, for and in behalf of the republican party of Ohio, and in lu'hulf of the thou&ands who have heretofore acted with o'.her parties, and who do not believe that proiection is a fraud or a foul blot on our progress and business prosperity, and to the people, whose judgment in popular government is supreme, I conndently appeiL He not only declares what their purpose is, but he makea Ohto the national battle ground. and auuuimcus that ïhe result her will be nnally received as the full and flnal judgment and decree of the entire country, and that the voice of Ohio this year will be held the voice of the nation. If this be true it only increases the gravity of the contest, and malies it all the more Imperativa upon us to see to it that the result which is to be nnally accepted as conclusive shall be on the side of a protective tariff and in favor of the interests and labor and property of the United States There can be no mistake but that Mr. Neal believes exactly what he says, and that he is radically commltted to the doctrine of free trade or a revenue tariff. Thi.s Is shown by his own record in the past, and especially by his part in the Democratie National convention which assembied in Chicago in June, 189. It will be remembered that Mr. Neal, as a member of the oommittee on resolutions, differed from a majority of the commiitee, and reported in, full convention a substituto for a portion of the tariff plank agreed upon by the majority of the committee I will tirst cali your attention tothat partwhich came front the committee on resolutions and wag stricken out on the motion of Mr. NeaL The report declared : " When custom house taxation islevied upon anieles of any kind produced ín this country, the difference between the cost of labor here and labor abrosd fully meaaurea any possible benenis to labor." This genuine American sentiment, this true Jacksonian principie, was stricken out of the report of ïhe committee, upon the motion of Mr. Neal, ami this (tinVrt-nrt' in favor of American workingmen is not to be recognized by the democratie party in lts proposed ruvision of the tariff. Again the report declares: "But in mak ing nduction in taxes it Is not proposed to injure any domestic Industry." This. too, was stricken out upon the motion of Mr. Neal, and in the proposed tariff the; will take no hced of any domestic industry, and the reductions to be made in the tariff wül be mude heedloss of the Injury that may follow to our Industrial enterprises. Apain the repurt declares: "Krom the foundation of this government tftxes collected at the oustom house nave been the chief sources of federal revenas Suoo they must continue tQ be." uut, too, wa-i trlckêh out, which lndioatM most strongly that my oompetltor and those who agreed with him :it the convention, have in inind the abandonraent of the old policy'of raising revenue from custom. and are löoking in the future to direct taxation for the revenues with which to conduct the overnment Again the committee's report declares: "So that every change of law must be at every step regardful of the labor and capital involved. " That, too, has no place in a democratie phuforin and la stricken out upou the motton of Mr. Neal. So that any change in the tariff laws to be made by the democratie parly is not to be reRardful of the labor employed- their interests are wholly ignored, as well as the capital invested in the great industries of the country Again: "The processes of reform must be subject to the execution of these plain dicta tes of justice. " This, too, is stricken out The new revisión is not to be dictated by justice. It is not to b( Jramed upon the principies ol justice. NoquarAnn Arbor Courier ter is to bo elven, but all our vast industries must aurrender without terms to the detnands of the tarill rcformer. And having stricken that out they, upon the motion of Mr. Neal, resolved: "We denounce lepublican protectlon as a fraud. We declare it to be the fundamental principie of the democratie party that the federal frovernment has no constitutional power to and collect tariff duties ezoapt for the purpose of revenue only. and we demand that the collection of such taxes shall be limited to ihc necessities of the government wheu honeatly and economically aüministered " This is the voice of the democratie candidate for governor. Is it the voice of Ohioi Will it be the approved utierance of the voters of Ohfo? This is the principie upon which the revisión is to be made, and it is the Uriff reform referred to by the president In his recent message, to which he declares that every effort of his administraron shall be dedicated. As casting further light upon democratie purposes we have only to observe how the committee on ways and means in the present house of representatives haa been orgauized. A majority of the democratie members constituting it are from the south, and from districts of comparatively little manufacturing and commercial iniportance. The Hon. Wm. L. Wilson, representative in congress from West Virginia, has been appointed chalrman of that committee and will have charge of the tariff legislation of the present congress. In an article entttled "The Tariff Plank at Chicago, ' published in the North American Review of September, 1í92, he expresses the convention purposes of hia party and considera its action at length. He reviews the platforms of the democratie party on the subject of the tariff from lfeTö to 1892 inclusive. In speaking of the plank of 1S84 on this subject, whkh was substantially the plank reported by the committee on reaolutions of 1892, he says: "It demanded that federal taxation shouHl be exclusively for public purposes, but 'subject' tocertainspeeili'd 'limitations.' Themostnoteworthy of these 'limitations' were: The party pledged itself to revise the tariB in a spirit of fnirness to all interests: that in reducing taxes it was not proposed to injure any domestic industries, but to promote their heurty growth: that custom house taxes must remain. as from the foundation of the government thoy have 1 ten. the chief source of revenue; that as many industries have come to rely on legislation for their successful continuance, any chunge of law must be, at every step. regardful of the labor and capital thus involved; that necessary reductions of taxes must be effected without deprivin? American labor of the ability to compete successfully with foreign labor, and without imposing lower rates than would be ampie to cover any increased cost of production due to the higher wages of our labor." Mr. Wilson says these limitations "were no ■ longer aids, but incumbrances in the iight The temper and courage of the party are mightlly different in 1892 from what they were in 1884; what was necessary prudence then would be cowardice now. The convention responded fully and heartUy to the feeling of the party it represented. It showed its confldence in tariff reform as the great and winning issue by the nomination of Mr. Cleveland in the face of warnings that would have driven it írom a man who did not also stand for a cause. It meant that there should be nothing ambiguous about the party's attitude to that cause, and that the statement of its fundamental principie should not be overlaid with cumulative limitations. And in all this the convention was right." He further says: "We are called upon as the urgent duty of the hour, and of all time, to guard againsl the perversión of our tariff system, that has ripcned Into the McKinley WIL Nor can the democratie party any longer derive strength from pandering to the delusion that protective duties can in any way directly beneftt labor." These are the views of the new chairman of the commitlee on ways and means and will prepare the people, to some extent at least, for what may be expected from the present adminIstration. So toe two economie systems are again on trial in Ohio this year. The republican party has renewed lts adherance to the system of a protective tariff, and the democratie party has, through lts platform, declared its adherance to free trade or a tarriff for revenue only, and has put in nomination a gentleman who has been eonspieiously identifled with the free trade wing of the democratie party, and is the representative of the most radical views upon the subject. What the republican party means by protection it has interpreted in its Wgtslation for the last thirty-three years, and its most recent expression upon that subject is found in the tariff law of 1830. So the people know what the republican pirty means b: a protective tariff, and would be glad to know what the democratie party means in detail and with particulnrity by a tariff for revenue only. It is fortúnate, therefore, that we have one so distins-'uished and able- the very author of the tariff plank of the last Democratie National platform itself, to advise the country exactly what the partv now in power will do with the tariff Ithas occurred to ine, therefore, to ask my distinguished competitor what hls tariff would do with the law of 1890 in detail. And, first, I cali hts attention to Schedule A, "Chemicals, oils and paints," and inquire of him what duti's. if any, he would imposc upon the 93 pararaphs contalned in that ■ohedotef What duty will he put uponborax and boracic acid? What upon flax-seed oil'r What upon paints. colora and varnishes? What upon lead producís ': What upon soda in its various forms'r When he has informed the people of the state upon Schedule A, I direct his astention to Schedule B, unte which are designated "earths. earthenware ond glassware." What tarilT, if any, will he leave upai fire-brick. upon tiles, upon sewer pipe, vitrified brick and enmustie tiling? What upon earthen and chinaware, ani what upon plate glass and common window glass? What upon j-'lass bottles'r What upon marble, stones and manufactures thereot? What upon slate rootingr Most of these are peculiarly Ohio producte, whose manufacture involves large invested capital and Kives employment to a vast army of Ohio workingmen and are those upon which the people of this state would especially llke Information. Then will he be good enough to inform the people of the state what will he do with Schedule C, "metáis and the manufactures of metala!"' What with iron ore, what with coal, what with pigiron? What upgn the several forms of iron . and steel! What tarifT will he put upon cotton tii's, what upon hoop tron, what upon steel ingots, what urxm cutlery, if any, and what upon tin plate; ThiTo are 108 paragraphi in this schedule. Will he be good enough to take them up and enltghten the people of the state what duties they shall hereafter bear under the revenue tarifT policv which he representa? The people along the Ohio river and the lake, and in the valleys of the Mahoning, the Tuscarawas. the Scioto. the Hoe-kin?, the Musklngum and the Miami, all want to know what is to be done with ihe tariff proteotÜBg these vast nnd inorautng Interest. What will he do with Schedule D. "wood and manufactures off' Then I draw hisattetion to Schedule E, and be? him to inform ui what he will dó with tugar! If he is a Ttiuine revenue tnrilT reformer, as he araarta he is, then he will restore the tariff on sujrar. What will he do with the bounty! Will be then inform us whut tariif. if any, he will leave upon "tobáceo and the manufactures of," under Schedule P? the raisor of tobáceo in Southern Onio. deeply interested as they are in this agricultural product, will anxiously await hi.s reply. What ohange of duties would he make, and wh;;t removftl What will he do wftn the "agricultural producís and provisjons," under Schedule Q! What tariff win he put upon horses, which now bear a duty ol $30 per head to protect our stockraisers in the United States with only the great lakes separating us from Canada? What upon cattlr and hogs and sheep? What upon barley, and what upon rice? What will he do with Schedule H, "spirits, wine and other beverages," and Schedule I, "cotton manufactures?" What will he do with "flax and hemp" In Schedule J? Then coming ts Schedule K, what will he do with "wool?' That has already been answered by the democratie party in the last house of representatives. It places -wool upon the free list, and having once made wool free, will he advise the people what tariff, If any, he will leave upon "woolen goodsP" Would he repeal the draw. backclauseof the present law? Would he re. peal the provisión of the law which prohlbiti the landing of goods made of oonvict labori Does he favor the blll prepared by the New York Reform (fre trade) club? What will n e - - and the do with Schedule M, "pulp anl paper," of Increasing importanee in all paris of Ohio? What will he do with Schedule X, "sundries.' among which are brushes, coke, leather and manufactures thoreoí1: Howwlll he treat the frce list? Will tac place tea and coffoe, spices and drugs on the tafiff list? He can the cause which he representa no gijeater good than to give the peoplo Informadon upou thts subject, tuUiiifi up the tariff law I and following it to its conclusión, indicating the dutiea he would impose under the gystem which he so ably aovocates. When he has done that, every Citizen of the state can determine in a practical business wy, which scheduleof duties he prefers, thoseof Mr. Neal or of tho republican law of 1SJO. Then he should go farther and advise UB what revenue he will secure irom his tariff reform law. Will he also inform the people what new subjects he will cl raftfor federal taxation, if any? Itwould be proper in this connection to have from hima f uil statement of how he would raise the money to carry on the government, to pay its pensions and other obligations. With the condition which confronts us, with idlefactoriés and idle men in every part of the country, the present question is how can they best be set to work? The milis are closed. Will free trade start them? Will a lower tarifl rekindie their ftres? Will larger importations of competitive producís made by a cheaper labor increase our domestic production? If the foreign shop is to have easier accefc to this market with its competitive goods through a lower tariíT, will that help American shops? Will freer access to the markets of competitive products increase the demand ior American products and American labor? That is the question. Will the larger use of goods of foreign shops competing with our own increase the labor in our own? Will more foreign goods' shipped here increase the demand for domestic goods? Lower tariff or no tariff nvtkcs it easier to bring in foreign goods and harder to dispose of kindred domestic goods. The more foreign goods used competing with ours the less ilomi.stic l-immIs will be used, and the less domestic goods which are used the less will be made, while the less made the less men are reqnired to make them, and those who do make them have lcs.s work and will have less WBges. Do we want to make it easier than it now is to import forei?n goods competing with our own? Lo we want to have foreign competition without hindrance or restraint? If we do, free trade or a revenue tariff will accomplish it. If we want our goods made abroad and not at home we should be for a revenue tariff. If we want them made at home we should be for a protect ive lariff. If we make them at home we will empioy American labor. If they are made abroad foreign labor wíli make them and home labor will be idle. It is no economy to buy foreign goods and leave our own unsold. They say a protective tariff is a tax and a burdeu upou the people. It is a tax upon the foreign producer, and his welfare is not our nrst concern Idlenesa is a much greater tax and a moota more onerous burden than any tariff tax which can be imposed. There is no burden go great as uncmployed men; no tax so grievous as poverty. The statesmanship which can supply work to willing hands, consistent with the general national prosperity that has been had in the past thirty years, ís the statesmanship of good business and of saving common sense. The farmer who has a house full of grown, vigorous sons, flnds no economy in hiring his neighbors' sons while his own are idle. The country which his a million of its own citizens unemployed will find no economy in employing aliena and strangers of another country to do its work abroad. We want our work done by our own citizens. They must be preferred above all others. It is true that our protective leglslation still stands, but the democratie party is pledged to repeal it. They have in platform declared it a fraud nnd a robbery and the culmtnating atrocity of class legislation. They have gone so far I as to pronounce it unconstitutional. Their vietory last year, as they interpret it, was a decree to tear up protedtion root and brancb. Is that not so? If so, .then the commonest instinct of business prudence demands the business world to take notice. They nave done it, and the present conóltion of the country tells the rest. When a man is sentenced to be hung, he sufferers all the tortures of death before he has ever seen the halter, and the most reekless man, under such a sentence, gets ready for the death which is to ensue. We never had greater prosperity or better employed labor than from the passage oí the law of 1890 down to the election of 1892, when it was determined that the senate of the United States would be democratie and all the branches of the government would be in the hands of that party. R. G. Dun & Co.'s Weekly Review of Trade, of December 31, 1892, says: "The most prosperous vear ever known in business closes to-day. " " The year 18.12," from the same authority, "was remarkable for fewer failures than occurred in any other year since 1888, the number reported being 10,344, or 2,029 less than in 189!. The largely increased number of traders and the enormous increase of production for the year render these figures most significant.'' Every body will regret that these conditions have been changed and that the change bw been unfavorable to the American people. Uradstreefs Commercial Agency has received reyorts from eight hundred manufacturlng establishments at two hundred and ten different points that have closed theic doors since June lst, and s.ivs that a summary of the results of the investi?ation shows that no fewer than 483,000 industrial, building trades and mining employés have been thrown out of work within the period specitied due to the absolute closing of the establishments in which they were engaged or the shutting down of work at the mines. This situation of things needs no comment or elaboration. The president htmself. whose constitutional duty it is to advise congress of the condition of the country, has sounded the alarm and proclaimed in solemn message the calamity that is upon us. It isa matter of deep concern and of still deeper regret to every well-wisher of his country that the splendid prosperity of a year ago has been tr-insformed into a situation of such business t:loom. We must not lose heart. Confldence nnd tourage are half the victory. The people once aróuse.i to the gravity of the situation will not surrender but ünd a I remedy, as under our political system they have a remedy, at the polls. This changed condition is not theresultof our monetary system. Whatever eviis, tf any, are to be found in that System, they can in no way account for this wholesale curtailment of production and dismisstl of employés from their accustomed workshops. The cause lies deeper than all this. and it is found in the fact that everyone of these great industries are threatened witb destruction by the party in power. You cannot expi'c-t men to invi-st their Capital in producing for the future when they do not know what that future will be. They can only waitandsee: but waiting is paralyzing to the business of the country aud brings distress to every man who works for wages. Any adjustment of the tariff, however conserva tive, issure to disturb every industry of the country. It affect- the cost of produciion and the price of such product in the market. The producer is thereiore unwilling to accumulate his product for the future demand, the profit of which may all be wiped out by a change in the tariff. The complaint is made that the gold goes out of the country. If we had free trade or a revenue tariff this complaint would be aggravated, more gold would go out of the country to pay for forewn products and less would remain at home Nothing keeps pold at home more certainly than thebuying of goods at home, and but for the protective tariff we have to-day, in the last twelve months millions more of gold would have gone out of the channels of business in the United States to foreign countries lo pay for foreign goods. The more we buy abroad the more gold wc send abroad to pay for it. And It has been a fortúnate thing that certain Importations were made more dimcult by the law of 1890; otherwise we would have had less gold at home than we have to-day. There is no occasion for this situation except the uncertainty which everywhere prevalía. We have the same men, the same money, the same manufactures and the same markets that wc liad a year ago, but the trouble is that we have another management. We have the same pluck and the same perseverance and the same people, but themajority of themvoted laat year for another policy. We havo the same energy, the same enterprise, the same great plants, but few if any are running to their full capacity, oecause of fear of the policy which the people decreed last iall should be carried into publio New Tork Trbune mr. The proposed new pollcy means neir conditions, and new eonditionsmeanadepreciation of values and the dc.'radation of labor. Wvcannot ToW this resölt if we have a revenue tarltr. Everythlng must hu brought down to the plane of eorapeting countnes, and our om snee teacni s Wat whenever protection has Leen abandonad in tlif United States, in the language of the nattonal platform of 1888, "every Industry has boon paralyzed but th;it of theusurer ani the sheriff" Three years ago, two yi and aren ons yeat the ery went forth in the land th:it protection was a robbery of the poor, and the peoplo blinded by the false cry voted to abandon it, but no sooner was that done than the workingmen were robhed of ihuir wages, and the business of the country robbed of lts prosperlty. The most persistent cry was made f rom one end of the country to the other by the democratie orators and the democratie press against what they were pleaaed to cali "McKlhley prices." They were hurled from every stump as an extortion and as a robbery of the masses to enrich tha few. There is not a Citizen of this country to-day. not one, who would not like to have those prices back agaln. They have had quite enough of the "eheap ' era which was ushered in by the democratie vietory. They will soon discover, if they have not done so already, that "cheapness" is not the highest aim of American citizenship. The republican party can be counted upon to act in unity and patriotism in a crisis Uke the present, and there are thousands in this country not republican, who can be relied up n to cooperate with us In rescuing the country from the business perils into which it bas fallen. There can be no question about the intluence of a protectlve tariff upon production and v;i:rt";. I have or.served that in some of the tradrs wliere laborers and manufacturers have agreed upon a scale of wages for the ytar. it is all made der-endent upon a continuance of the present tariff. If that is lowered, wages are lowered, er production, eeases. In the?e contraets, which have been sifiifd in many oiUea of the Union, workingmen and manufacturen recopnize the inñuence of the present and the proposed tr.rilï upon production and upon w;iu'vs. Thepeopleof the ünli arenotonly alarmed at the uncertainty oonoernlng the industrial policy, but their eompetitors on the other si.lc are lnsplred with oen hope and oontldenoe. What can be mere dlscourai Amerloan workmen and American oltlzens, and waal more encouraging to foreign manufaotur ers and foreign workingmen than the speech oi U. S. Consul Benj. Folsom, n cousin of thE president oí the United States, oloa ng his con. Búlate at sheftleld. Ido not stop toqi:ote bil entire speech, but I give you the closing sen. tence: He says: "In closing my career in Shemeld as consul of the United States, it affords me satisfaction to thi&k that before another twclve months has rolled by, Sheftlfld win not be subject to the onerous and oppressive tariiT duties that have restricted her trjde." This sentiment was greeted with most up roarious applause by the assembled English' men. He did not close his consulate too soon Yet, after all, perhaps his speech had its in' spiration in an earlier expression by the presi. , dent himself. In a letter dated at Pittsburgh, Pa., April 21, 1893, Mr. Carr, editor of the Western Mail, of CardifT. Wales, writes to hif paper relating his cali upon President Clevf. land. His reception, says Mr. Carr, by the president was most cordial and fiatterng, and then he adds: "One of the newspaper corresponden ts told the president that I had come from Wales to look for some of the tin plate works which the republican party declares have been established under their protective tariff. Thepresident replied: 'Well. Mr. Carr, hen you do flnd them, be sure to let me know their exact location, for we have been searching for these tin plate works for some years now and have failed to flnd them.'" Mr. Cleveland need not have commissioned a forein visitor to have found the t:n plate works existing in the United States built up by the republican protective tariff. He necd only have sent his messenger over to the treasury department where he would have found an official report of a list of forty-two tin plate factoriesemploylng thousands of men, not one of which was in exlstence before the tariff of 189J, and he would have discovered by that report that the output had increascd in a year and a half more than any other new industry ever started in the Uflited States. He could have found the exact location from CoL Ayre's report of all these factories, and the exact pre duction of each, with the numter of hands employed. He would have discovered that they are making tin plates In nine States of the Union, and that in the three months ending June 30, 1893, the product was nearly 40,000,0J0 pounds, and that 45 per cent. of that was made from American black plates produced in the United States by the labor of the United States, an increaseover the production of the preceding quarter and over all previous productions in the same time since the enactment of the law of 1890. I assume that tin plate is to be made free, because the last house of representutives, which was democratie, made it free by a party vote. These splendld industries which have been built up in our country, and which have gupplled employment for so many workingmen, are to be closed, and this, tiie greatest consuming nation of tin plate in the world, will hereafter buy this product from abroad, unless our labor is brought down to the degraded level of competing labor. I cannot believe that the people of the United States favor this policy. If they do, they are recreant to their own highest and best interests. The manufacture of the tin plate annually consumed by the people of the United States would keep an army of 69,000 workingmen in constant employment. The policy of my distinguisheó! competitor, the democratie candidate for governor, is to take this employment from them, and to give it t the cheaper labor of Europe. The tariff of the republican party would employ these 60,0)0 workingmen in the United States at good wages and thus give to the agriculturists, to the manufacturers and to the merchants 60,003 prontable consumers of their products. I have observed In the pross that in many parts of the couutry petitions are being circulated, signed by democratie workingmen and others, addressed to congress, praying that no reductions be made in the duties upon foreign goods in the manufacture of which they are engaged. This is well, for there is nothing more potent in this country than a well considered public sentiment. I cannot, however, forbear saying in this connection, that petitions and protests are not so effective as votes, and tho best and most authoritative expression of public sentiment is made at the polls. The administration has been unjust to the pensioners of the country. The suspension of a soldier once pensioned legally without notice or hearing, is unpreceaented as well as unlawful. Snch a course is unworthy a great government which was preserved through the. services and sacriiices of its volunteer army. There is no good Citizen who desires that an unworthy person shall have a place upon this honorable roll of the nation, and while this ís true, there is no good Citizen who will condemn the striking down upon ex parte testimony of any soldier who has been judicially determined by a previous administraron worthy of his place there. Every soldier on the pension roll to-day is there after trial and investigation of his case, i He is there because in the judgment of the oummis. Bioner of penolons and the secretary of the in. terior be has fully met every requirement of the law granting pensions to soldiers. Once there h" is entitled to remain until it is ehown by competent testimony, to which he shall have an opportunity to reply, that he is there by fraud and has no place among the honorably disabled soldiers of the war. No man should be condemned without a hearing. No soldier should have the talntof fraud put upon him without an opportunity to meet his aocusers. It is like opening a judgment once rendered by a competent court. The burden of proof rests upon him who charges fraud and assails the Integrlty of the judgment, and he cannot set askde that judgment npon ex parto testimony. The simplest and the most fundamental principies of justice require that a man should have an opportunity to confront his accuser and the witnesses who testify against him. I understand that in the cases suspended, the suspended pensioner has no access to tho testimony or the letters, or the Information furnished by those who complain against the validlty of the pension. All that is denied him. He simply is advised that his pension is sus. pended and he is reo.uired to show why Ju $1.25 per year ihould be restored to the roll. The government should be req-uired in tho Ilrst instance 10 show why his name should be dropped from the roll. md it shoukl be by olear aiui unmistakable and conclusive evidente. The pensioner is dropped, ind, without knowing why he is dropped, he ís requlred to show that he ought not to have boen dropped, and he is requlred to show that the udgment heretofore had in his case by an luthority as competent as that now passing upon his case, was justitled. I do not believe in the systcm which permití the government to thus treat the defenderá of lts fiag. Icondemn, wlthall the earnestness of my nature, a system that puls this stigma upon my comrades in thatgreat war which preserved. the Union. More than 1,800 of the old Ohio soldiers paid from the pension office at Columbus have been thus summarlly dropped and disgraced before the eyes of their fellow-citizen3 and the eivilized world- an average of twenty to a county, and the worl; of the executloner still goes on! How long is this injustice to continue? If au undeserving soldier is on the pension roll to-day, and the administration at Washington has reason to believe he is there unlawfully, let the administration confront him with the evidenee in lts hands and permit the old soldier to meet his accuser, a privilege which is religiously aceorded the most depraved criminal in the land. He is permitted to meet his accuser in open court Shall the veteran have less consiileration at the hands of the government which he helped to save? Grant him thisplain, legal right. and if, upon fu!l trial, it is the judgmentof the administration that he has no right to receive a pension and does not fall within the provisions of the pension law, every soldierand cvrrv other patriotic citizen will respect tho verdict. I protest against the presumption of fraud being put upon the men who preserved this country, by a member of an administration who had no part in the great work of its preservation. I protest against this cruel stigma being placed upon them. I protest against this disgrace being put upon their wives and their children who hivr eBteemed the honorable record of their protector as the dearest heirloom of the generations to come. These men who wore willing to die for their country must not be left helpless and defenseless by their country. The patriotic people of the country have no thought of deserting them and will not permit their honor tobe impeached. At the national review of 186.Ï, stretched across the walls of the Capítol in bold letters, to be read by the returning army, was this motto: "The only debt this country can never pay is the debt it owes the brave men who saved this nation." This noble sentiment may be temporarily dtsregarded or ignored, but it will be only temporary. When the republican party returns to power, the promise of Lincoln and Grant and the people who upheld them will be again the sacredly ooserved law of the land. Now, my fellow citizens, I must concluda I have an abiding faith that upon the issues which are before us and which divide us, the right will triumph by the judgment of the tribunal of the people. Both parties cannot be right I have a confldence unshaken that upon fvery issue presented by the democratie party, the republican party is right. lts triumph, however, will not come without effort and energy. We learned last year that faith without works did not win the victory. This year there is a conüdent spirit everywhere prevailing. We should be admonished by last year's experience that majorities are not secured by conlidence alone. This year let us accompany our confifidence with zeal, with work, with a f uil vote. Never was a political contest in Ohlo more important, never an impressive republican majority more needed, never its accomplishment more certain, if all who believe alike will act together. I am sure the opportunity now given to the peop'.e to make their voice heard and heeded, will not pass on unimproved. I do not appeal for a party triumph merely, but for a cause which is the people's cause. I rest my appeal upon the principies and policies for which the republican party stands- protection and reciprocity, honest money and an honest ballot These secured and continued will insure the highest interests of the people, advauce the general welfare, promote our industrial development, encourage the true American sentiment, establish confldence in the future, and lift the clouds which have settled upon the labor and enterprises of the people.