Gresham's Last Break

The following is from the correspondence of W. E. Curtis regarding Secretary Gresham's latest bad break: The effect of Secretary Gresham's illadvised cablegram has not yet been seen. A glance at the geographical location of Korea will show the interast with which Russia is contemplating these troubles, for nothing would please her better than to include the Korean península within her vast domains. It would give her a military and commercial position on the Pacific which her ice-bound northern coast does not afford and which is going to be of the very greatest importance when the trans-Siberian railroad, now under ccnstruction, is completed. There are a number of fine harbors along the Korean coast, while Russia has only Aladivostock, which is ice-bound half the year. The Koreans have gone over the frontier into Siberia to a consM'ïi'able extent. Several Russian villages have been established in Korea, snd for years Russian officers and agents have been making surveys and explorations within Korean territory. Russia has never permitted an opportunity to pass to cultívate the frienclly relations with the hermit nation, but eight years ago China obtained from her a distinct piedge that she would not occupy Korea. The üispatch practically places the j United States on the siöe of China in : her dispute with Japan and Russia, and has probably destroyed with a single penful of ink all the good results that i have been gained by half a century of diplomacy and friendly relations. This government has always been the closest friend Japan has had among the nations of the earth. "We have given her sympathy and encouragement in her rapid progress toward mod.-:rn civilization, and in her foreign policy she has always looked to us for advice and moral support. Her present system of government was organized by men engaged in this country by the Japanese ambassadors, and no one ever suspected that it was possible for a misunderstanding to arise. But Secretary Gresham has always shown a decided partiality toward the Chinese minister. The two were brought into personal contact for weeks while negotiating the treaty which now lies before the sonate for confirmation, and formed a strong attachment. The secretary has taken occasion, too, at various times to show his regard for the representativa of the Celestial kingdom, while diplomatists from western countries have been treated with indifference. But no ene ever supposed a man of his knowledge and experience in legal and judicial matters would be induced, even by personal friendship, to accept he ex parte statements of the Chinese minister, and send a threatening message to Japan, at least without some further knuwledge than he now possesses of the trouble between the two nations in Korea. It is the more serious because the empire of Russia is involved in the controversy and sustains the contentions of Japan. Japan has never threatened to levy war upon Korea and has distinctly and repeatedly disavowed any intention or desire to do so. This disaVowal has not only been made to China and to the Korean government, but also to Great Britain, Russia, the United States and other nations. Therefore the admonition of the secretary of state must have ereated a decided sensation in Japan, particularly as he asserts that the war she intends to levy will be unjust. In the first place Secretary Gresham knows very little about the controversy. In the second place he has no business to pass judgment upon the fcreign policy of another nation at any time, and even with all the facts before him it would be an extraordinary breach of etiquette for him to undertake to determine whether the action of Japan had been or is just or unjutt, unless the eontention between the two governments were submitted to him for arbitration. The United States can tender her good offices for the settlement of a dift'erence between nations, and has done so many times, but there is no record or recollection of a previous instance where we ofiicially declared our opinión of the merits of a controversy before we knew what it was about. Again, Japan has no quarrel with Korea. The difficulty is between China and Japan as to which shall exercise a quasi-protectorate over the hermit nation and assist her to subdue an insurrection which promises sooner or later to overthrow the existing government unless it is squelched. The dispatch of Mr. Gresham takes it for granted that Japan is going to do something that she has no intention of doing and prevenís the United States from exercising any influence that might be exerted in the settlement of the difflculty between two nations with whom we have enjoyed the most friendly and profltable relations. Any of the clerks in the state department might have pointed out to the secretary his mistake, but he permits no suggestions unless they are asked for, and neither of the assistant secretarles dares to criticise his acts. He wrote the Japanese dispatch with his own hand, and sent it without conference with any of his associates, although Mr. Adee, the second assistant secretary, has conducted previous correspondence on the subject with great skill and discretion, and Mr. Rockhill, the third assistant secretary, has spent a great part of his life in the United States legiitiou in China and is familiar with the international complcatons that have involved Korea for centuries. For years both China and Japan have 1 ' "■; : i ■ ' i . tectprate o Korea. Centuries ago Japan claimed that Korea was her vassal, but she had done nothing for ages to make that claim valid, and for hundreds of yeavs Korea has actually been one of the vassal states of China. Although Japan pretends to ignore this relationship she knows well enough it practically exists, although it is not acknowledged by Korea. On the contrary the Koreans claim their independence, and insist that China has no legal or moral right to interfere with their affairs. The present insurrection is the repetition of what has occurred twice before, in 1882 and in 1885, and is caused by the uprising of the people against the extravagance and corruption of the government. During both of the previous rebellions Japan sent an army into Korea to protect the interests of her citizens there. The Japanese far outnumber all the other foreigners in Korea put together. They absorb nearly the entire trade of the country. They control the mint and the banking ness, the imports and the exports, and the value of their property within the limits of the kingdom is probably greater than that owned by the Koreans themselves. After the rebellion in 1885 China and Japan entered into a treaty by which they mutually agreed to preserve the peace and protect life and property in Korea, and when the present trouble broke out the proper procedure for boüi under the convention of 1885 would have been to have held a consultation and cooperated for the restoration of peace.' Neither has the right to send troops into Korea without the consent of the other, but a few months ago when the Chinese sent troops in compliance, as they said, with the request of the king of Korea, the Japanese government was not consulted. So on June 6 the Japanese also sent over a forcé of 1,200 men to protect their merchants. It was claimed in Europe that 18.000 soldiers were sent over from Japan, but this was untrue. It would be impossible for Japan to furnish so large an army at such a time. The governm.int of Jnpan informed China, through the Chinese minister at Tokio, that in its opinon the revolt was dangerous to the interests of both countries. and that it could not be pennanently crushed ur.til the causes that led to it were extinguished. Japan then invited China to join in a scheme for the reorganization of the government of the kingdom, the reform of its fiscal system and the correction of the political abuses that have caused the periodical insurrections. No reply was received for several days, but when it came it was a direct refusal to enter into relations or negotiations of any sort with reference to Korea and was followed by an imperative demand for the immediate removal of the Japanese troops from Korean territory. The Japanese made no reply to this, but renewed the request through the Japanese minister at Pekin with the ' same result. At the same time the Chinese troops in Korea were very largely reinforced. Then the British minister offered the good offices of his government for arbitration, but the Chinese refused and repeated their demand for the withdrawal of the Japanese army. The Russian government, which is directly interested in the result more than any other nation except China and Japan, suggested the simultaneous withdrawal of the troops of both nations. Whereupon the Japanese agreed to evacúate if the Chinese would do the same, and disavowed any intention of territorial aggrandisement. The Japanese government stated that its information was positive to the effect that the revolt was rapidly increasing and growing more serious, and that the causes which led to it, if allowed to continue, would result in further trouble, and it was suggested to the Russian government that all the powers interested co-operate to remove the causes that have kept Korea so distracted for years. The Russian government expressed assent to this plan and its satisfaction with the policy of Japan, and there the matter stands. Thos. K, Barkworth, f Jackson, who has been credited with congressiona) aspirations, diBciaims any intention of stepping in Mr. Gorman's way, for the democratie nommatioü in this district. He says be is several tbousand dollars poorer by dabbling in politics, and he : i sei :;:i! his party is any bctter off foï his ciiuris, and sa he r.ijoss to hereaiter attend strictly to business, and let the political mili grind with those who care to grind it, he doesn't. If Mr. Barkworth adherea to this position he will no doubt be better ofï iinancially, but just think what the country may lose ! Hou. Audrew I). White, well known in Anu Arbor f rom beiugonce conuected with the Universitj', has tendered his resignation as minister toBussia.because of ill health, and President Cleveland luis appointed Ciifton R. Breckenridge, of Arkansas, not Kentucky, as his successor. Mr. Breckenridge has gained liis cliief prominence from being the man counted in as congressman from Arkansas from the district where Col. Clayton was murdered because he had the audactty to question the methods by which Breckenridge was counted in. The murderer was never brougKt to justici'. Wliy? Because it is a crime, búnishable witli death, for a man to run for oftice on the republican ticket in that section, and be elected. Minister Breokenridge is au able man. and aside from that one stain upon liis career, and his ohjectionable Eroe trade politics., is a good appoiutment.