The Tariff

A joint discussion of the tariff tquestion took place at Britton, , ■day, Sept. lOth, in the presence of a , large audience. The speeches were I all extemporaueous and show for ithemselves the views of the speakers, and their aptness in debate. Mr. Stearns opened with thirty minutes aad was followed by Capt. Allen in a speech of forty-flve minutes, the debate being closed by a reply of fifteen minutes. The speeches are as follows : OPENING SPEECH BY STEARNS. [After scanning the audience careffully, as if In search of some one.] Ma. Chairman : I was looking over this audience to see a millionaire farmer or working man; if there is one in the audience will he please rise? If, to-day, I ask in Detroit, in au audience of this magnitude for the millionaires to show hands, ten men would have stood up at once, worth not only a milliou, but one to seven millions each, and made millionaires by the American system of proteetion. (Applause.) I look out to-day upon an audience of workingmen, who for intejligence have no superiors in the United States. I behold farmers who are the representatives of the best two agricultural counties, not only of Michigan, but in the United States, and I fait to find ín this entire audieuce a sin.gle man who is worth his million ■dollars, although it comprises men who have lived in these counties for tfifty years, and who have enjoyedall the beneflts of this American system of proteetion, yet no laboring man oj farmer can be found worth half a million, nor a quarter of a million, mora tentli of a million, and I doubt if there i a farmer in this audience, or a workingman, who is worth $50,000 to-day, made by farming, though fostertsd by the American system of proteetion for the last twenty years. Yet, if I go to Detroit, I could run across more men in twenty minutes worth flve hundred thousand dollars, than there are republican stump speakers in Lena wee county, who" go about yawping "free trade" and talking stbout the tariff", of which they know no more than a kangaroo does of Revelations. (Applause and laughter.) It is to discuss this great question of politica! economy that makes possible these resulta, that I am here to-day. Taxation is coequal with government and a component part of it; taxation, to be just, raust be levied equally upon all. Taxation is jjustified ouly by great public necessities or great mora,! benefits; any system of taxation that ievies the burden upon one person, one business, or one elass, tor the benefit of another system or elass, is justas much highway robbery as though one man had met you in the street and taken the money frorn your pockets and given it to another fellow. Taxation is direct or indirect. Direct taxatioa is that taxation which you pay direefcly, whenever your township treasurer makes out your state, county and municipal taxes upon the property you possess, and you pay so many cents on the dollar. Nobody advo-! cates this system of taxation for national revenue. In the United States, to exist, we must have nation,-.il revenue, and therefore resortmust be had to some other meaas of taxdition; national revenues are derived i'rom two Systems of taxation, both indirect; one, the internal revenue system, and the other the tarifr taxation systein. I am going to speak of this at the beginning, beeause every young man here, from twentyfive to forty years of age, has lived in a time when this tariff taxation has been little discussed. From 1860 up, other questions have taken its place and have crowded out this question of tariff discussion until four years ago, when it first began to meet with more discussion than formerly, although it had always been a cardinal plank in the democratie platform- tariff for revenue only. Tariff taxation is a tax upon the imports brought into this councry. Por instance, if you make a wagon ín the old country, iworth one hunlred dollars, and you say that the man hall pay twenty-ftve dollars on that wagon before he can get ït in here, that ís a tariff tax, and wheu itheperson briners it in and pays the twemty-ftve dollars itiiposed, that gncmey goes into the treasury. Interna! revenue taxation is a certain treveaue; taxiff taxation is not certain revenue; tariff taxation depends entirely upon wbether you imoort goods or not; if you import goods, vou pay a tariff on that upon which it i levied; if you put the tariff so high that you can not im port goods, then there is no revenue. But the ïnternal reveaue tax is just as certain a3 death, jnst as certain as anything n be. The internal revenue tax was ressrted to during the war, because tariff taxation could not produce íenough revenue. Now, mind .you, the higher the tariff taxation, the lees revenues you get, becauae, the bigher the taxation, the less goodü you bring into the country. Interual revenue taxes were placed upon nearly everything imaginable; it was placed upou writings, deeds, bonds, mortgages, notes, reoeipts, upon beer, tobáceo, liquors, upon all proprietary medicines, matches, and matters of that kind; they were placed upon incomes, and on business caüings; a doctor had to pay ten dollars tbr the privilege of killing man and a lawyer had to pay ten dollars for lyiu?, and it did not make any differeuce whether he lied as muchas my brother Allen or rnyself or not, it was ten dollars just the same, no matter how much he lied or how much he earned. This was a system of revenue that could only be ustifled by necessity; it could only bejustifled in time of great need; you can not impose a tax on a man because a lawer any more than you can tax a man who preaches, except upon the ground of public necessity, and of great public moráis, and it was because of great necessity that it was resorted to. This revenue tax, mind you, for internal revenue has all beea taken off except the tax on 9leomargarine, the tax on whisky, on liquors and tobáceo; please keep these matters in mind and do notget them mixed up with the tariff tax. Tariff taxation, as I said before, may or may not produce revenue; if you bring goods into this country then you get revenue, and it depends altogether upou what goods are brought in and what rates are applied to thetn; and the question the people want to decide is how much tariff raust be collected and upon what class of goods shall we levy that taxation. I have said before that tariff taxation is always uncertain for revenue, sometimes it is higher and sometimes it is lower; if it was high enough, and we import goods, we get more money; but if we put it down, of course we do not get as much money, and the question of adjusting this tariff just as you want it has always been a difficult question, because, if you put the tariff too high, there would not be anything imported; now then' there is where the trouble comes in, and maybe I can illustrate it easily by a Jittle local application. In Adrián, we have a cracker manufactory; it makes and sells crackers at six cents a pound; suppose the city of Adrián wants a revenue, and goes to work and passes an ordinance that nobody shall bring any crackers into the city of Adrián, except he pay a cent a pound tariff; so whenever a man goes to Toledo and buys a hundred pounds of crackers, he has to pay one cent a pound fortariff into the treasury of the city of Adrián; then 'whenever crackers are brought in and the tariff paid, the city gets the benefit of the tariff and the consumer goes to work and pays one cent extra per pound for his crackers; he might gat a better cracker. However, in this ease,he would not, beeause Bowerflnd makes a better cracker than they make anywhere else. (Applause.) Now then, suppose the city of Adrían goes to work and instead of putting a tariff of one cent per pound upon crackers they put a tariff of flve cents a pound; why then, you see at once these men from abroad can not bring any crackers In there for eleven cents, when Mr. Bowerflnd can sell them for six if he wants to. What is the result? No crackers come in, and no tariff goes into the treasury, and Mr. Bowerftnd begins to look around and he says, "I guess I can ftll my sack a llttle; they can not get any crackers now that cost less tuan eleven cents per pound, and I will put my crackers up to diñe cents; I will not make a better cracker but I will make more money." That s tariff taxation under the American system; in other words, it is protectjon. (Applause.) Now, trien, you hav the people do not pay the tariff; I say that when Mr. Bovverfind increa-ses the price of his crackers, you pay it, because you cannot help it; but they teil us that they will not do it, but I never saw a man yet who would not take an advantage of that kind and increase his price, and I never saw a man, who, when he had an opportunity to increase his profits. would not increase them and he did not increase wages either; and if there is a workingman here who ever saw that class of men, I want hlm to say so. (Laughter and applause.) Now, my friends, the policy of the two parties to day, that are contending for your votes, is right upon this question of tariff. The democratie party was inforined, as well as was congress, by the president of the United States, that there was large surplus of money in the treasury that had been received through a tariff taxation from the people; t was more than was necessary to meet all expenses; more than could ba used in paying the expenses of the government, and therefore, he said, there is danger to your industries; you are throttling your industries by taking away money from the channels of trade, and he asked thera to make a reduction, to reform the sysjem of taxation, and not take from the people any more money than was neetled for legitímate expenses; the debt that was due had been paid; the bonds met and the sinking fund taken care of, but still there was one hundred millions of surplus derived from the iucrease of the tariff, and reveaue tax, more than we needed. Both partios grasped the situationj the democratie party at once introduced into the house what U known aa the Mills bill, in which they pro posed to raake a reduetion of the tarfff ; they made a reduction on certain articles; they put salt. wool, jumber, tin plate, and some other articles, on the free list, and said they should come in free, and thereby redeced taxation to the extent of about eighteen or twenty million dollars; they went to work and took off between eleven and tweWe millions of dollars tax on svtjar, and they went all over the list, but I have not the time to read you the list now; they left a tax on all woolen and manufactured articles, on steel and iron and everything else of that sort; they left the tax so high that a man could bardly see over it, and the tax is still let al an average of forty per cent. Sc when a man says that the democratie party }s advocatiug free trade, h( , ia either an idiot, lunatic or liar, and 1 1 may take his choice of names; th democratie party never wa3 in favor of free trade; the president said that there soould be a reductiou of the reveuue and the tax in a certaiu degree should be taken off'; that you should not inj ure any particular industry or do anything to injure the workinginen in these industries, but you should take th tarifi' burdeu from the great masses of the working people; the farmer and the workingman should be protected, but you shoiqd put no more money into the treasury than is needed. Both parties went into convention, and both parties made platforms, and on these platforms this discussion exists; the democratie party placed upon the free list certain articles; they approved of free wool; they approved of free lumber, of free salt and free tin plate, and thoy made a stnall reduction of seven per cent. on all classes of manufactured goods. Now, it is not free trade, when you leave a tariff of sixty per cent. on woolen goods and forty-five per cent. on steel: that is not free trade. Take the case of manufactured goods, whose first cost is a dollar, and you must pay forty cents to get them into this country; the tariff is so high that I apprehend that you would not get any more revenue than you needed; in fact, I doubt if you would get enough. The republican party went into convention, and they said in their platform that there was a surdIus that was dangerous. Now, my friend Allen made a speech in congress - he did make a speech in congress and a good one, too, for he ean make a good speech - he made a speech in which he undertook to prove that there was not any surplus; the president told him and the secretary of the treasury told him that there was over one hundred millions of dollars, yet he insists that there is only a small amount and that the democrats will soon get away with that by increased appropriatiims; and, notwithstandlng the republican senate increased nearly every appropriation of the democratie house; still, they are not able to spend enough with their intsreased appropriation, and we are still taking money f rom the people and taxing the business industries of the country when you have money that is lying idle in the treasury vault and there is less business and less work for labor to do. The republlcan party said, we will make the necessary reduction of the revenue. I do not believe much in reading forany speech, but I will have to read a little that will show you I atn right: "The republican party would effect aJI needed reduption of the national revenue." Now, mind you, I told you there was two sources of revenue, by indirect tax - the tariff tax, and the revenue tax, which exists to day, such as the tax on pleomargarine, liquors, and tobáceo; these are the only three things on which any revenue tax is raised. [Reading from the republiean platform.] '"The repuqlican party would efï'eet all needed reduclion of the national revenue by repealing the tax upon tobáceo, which is an annoyance and burden to agriculture." I suppose a boy plowing the ground could not ohew and spit his tobáceo without its being a great annoyance to him, and therefore they want to take the tax off tobáceo. (Applause and laughter.) "We also favor removiug the tax on spirits used in the arts and seienGes." There is more art and science in using it thle way than in any other, where you get it fpom the bott. (Applause and laughter.) Then what do they do? They say they will revise the tariff laws, so as to "check the import of such articles as are produced iu this country by our people;" they would check importe; ui other words they would stop them coiöipg iii by puttjing the tariff higher and keepiug them from coming in at all. Third. "Jf there was remaining a larger revenue tban is requisite for the wants of governmont, we favor the entire repeal of the internal revenue tax, rather than surrender any part of our protected system,'' Now, that is their platform. They refuse, not only to reduce any portion of the tariff, but propose to increase it. There is the tariff on sugar; we paid last year flfty mülions of dollars on what sugar we brought nto this country; and there is a tariff on almo9t thing that we buy, and yet the republican party says, we want no reduetion of the tariff on sugar and no reduction of the tariff on wool, no reductioh of the tariff on salt, no redjfction on lamber, no reduction on manufactujred goods or anything Llse, but we favor the Aojerican ystem of reducing the revenue, first, by taking it off of tobáceo, which takes off about twenty-two millions, and if that is not enough, to take it off of spirits for the arts and sciences. (Applause.) And third, by the entire repeal of the whisky tax, rat her ihan to surrender any portion of the tax on sugar or anything else of that kind. ïffow there are the two platforms. The one favqrs a ta for our government: the other for a class The democratie platform is for revenue: the republican platform is in favor of robbery. The platform of the democratie party is one to get money for the national treasury, is theiewel box for the national reyenué. The republican party proposes to take the money out of oue man's pocket and give it to another. ït is the great robber's roost of the United States. (Applause.) Now, gentlemen, the republican prrty haspassed or undertaken to introduce a tariff bilí; the republican party set about to raake a tariff bill of their own. VVhen Mr. Blaine, the brains of the republican party, carne from abroad he went around and said to them: "Gentlemen, you are making asses of yourselves in the senate; why, you have declared that you will not reduce the tariff not only on sugar but on everythingelse; let the Mills bilí alone and then you can get before the countv for protección." But the senate, fi'nally concluded to reject Mr. Blaine as a leader, and rolling off their platform they have set to work to devise a tariff bilí; and they are figuringover that bill now. Their situation, however, reminds me of the boy who was chased up a tree by the bear. If he came down he would te killed. If he stayed up the tree he would starvc to death. (Laughter.) Now, my friends, when the democratie party eatne and off'ered to take off the tariff from wool, lumber, etc., aad reduce it on other articles, it was claimed that they triade a mistake, and that they have favored the south and injured the north; that they qave made salt, wool and luruber free, yet have a high tax on sugar. They seek to rnake it appear as sectional favoritism.. The republicana have no risjht to eornplain. We have offered to take twelve millions from sugar. but the republicans will not accept it. They kick because we do not take it all off. They forget that we favor a revenue tariff, and sugar tax is almost entirely a revenue tariff. The sugar industries of Louisiana are very few in number, and the amonnt of protection the sugar industry gets by reason of the tariff is very small as compared with the raanufacturing industries of Massachusetts. The great sugar reflneries of the country are not in Louisiana, but in New YorkBoston and Philadelphia, and those reflneries influence republican legislation on sugar. It is claimed that the Mills bill is sectional - that we have taken the tariff oö of lumber, salt and wool, which are our great Michigan industries. I say that this is not so. I say that the greatest wool producing state in the whole unión, is Texas ; salt is also produced in other states, but there are not as many men engaged in the manufacture of salt in the United States as will vote for Mr. Alien for congress this fall in Lenawee county, so that will not niake any difference one way or another, but if j ou wuni to get a good grade of English salt for dairy use, you have gol to pay well for it, and that is all I have to say about that. One thing further; the farmers will be called upon to give allegiance to the principies of the republican party by their saying "Will you consent to the reinoval of the tariff on wool," and you farmers will be asked and demanded to support the American system of taxation, a tax of flfty per cent, on every thing you buy, to save 10 cents per pound upon wool. And flrst, in touching this wool question, I want to say that we do not produce all the wool we use, kast year we imported about one hundred and twentyfour million ponnds of wool. and we ralsed three hundí ed milllons pounds more, and we paid a tariff tax on that which we imported. Nearly ninety millions of this was low grade carpet wools, which are not raised in this country, and upon which themanufacturers paid a tariff of millions, which the government did nqt need, and which increased the cost of parpéis );o the purphaser ; the lariff was Irom two and a half to five pents pep pound on the tvool which we dó not raie in this country, and that oertajnly is not a benefit to the American farmer. My friends, the manufacturera teil us that they use our wool with foreign wool, and make a finer class of goods, in the proportion of about onepound of foreign wool to three pounds of domestic. They buy one póund of foreign wool and bring it into this country, and thejr tarlfl1 and Insurance, of course, incrèases the cost about 12 cents per pound. The home manufacturer is at a disadvantags unless his raw material is as cheap to him as tg the foreign manufacturer. Theréfore tji3 extra cost of the impópted pound 'of yool is taken oqt of thé thpee pounds of cjomestic wool, and instead of thjrty cents per pouad he has to crowd down the price to twenty-six cents per pound, and this makes our home wool cheaper. Now let me concede, just for argument sake, and that is all I will concede it for, that wool can bring ten cents a pound more by reason of the tariff. We raise three hundped'miUio'ns pounfls p'f yifool, and tbia would bring the farmers ihirjy millions dollars more by the ten cent tariff. Now they raised four hundred million bushels of wheat, and four hundred million doilars worth of breadstuffs, meat, etc. After half was consumed by the farmers, they had four hundred million dollars worth to sell, and for everytfaing ;hey bought with that money they 3a}c} an average tariff tax of 50 per :ént, whlch w"as aboift two. huncfred millïohs dollars, and thatiswhat it costs for the American system of Drotection. You get thirty millions br your wool, and pay two hundred miüions for your goods ; in other words, you pay three dollars for ■ wenty, and tiiat is the skin gare that peopïe are forced to stand. (Applause.) Every time you undertake to buck against one of these skin james, you never break ths bank. Again, suppose you get ten cents per pound more for your wool. We imported last year one hundred and twenty-ibur million pounds, costing sixteen millions dollars, and there was added five million dollars for tariff i they imported forty-slx million dollars worth of manufactured woolen goods, and in addition to that, paid twenty-nine millions tarifi on it, and then, my friends, you as farmers, take these same woolen goods that are made up into clothing, proteged hy a h}gh tariff, you as American farmers, buying the clothes, have to buy the woolen goods right back again, so that you pay the tariff right back ; you have slmply taken jt out of one popkut and put jt in the other, only fn the transfer, the manuucturer and monopolist has taken ten cents out of every dollar. Once more; take your three hundred pounds ot wool and take it right out of the market here, and take it over to the it over to the old country and sell it in the markets of the world and get what you can for it, and you can buy more goods in the market of the world, than you can by sellingit here with your added ten cents per pound, for you pay sixty per cent. more for your goods here. Take ten thousand bushels of wheat and go over to England and buy ten thousand dollars' worth of shoes, coats, hats, tools or dishes, and come back to this country, and when you get to American shores, what do.they say? They say you must glve me five thousand dollars more beíore you can get into the country. And what lor? Why, to protcct these American manufácturers. But it does not protect you. Farmers of Lenawee county, yon have been doing that for twenty years; if you continue to do it, it wil] servs you aight. (Applause.) Now, then. this talk that pjotection gives better wages can not be true. We imported last year over ffve handred million dollars' worth of goods; and the agricultural products of this country paid every dollar of it; it was your products that paid every dollar for these goods imported into this country. Now, I ask you, my friends, whether you favor this system of tariff taxation that makes these goods higher; but they say it does not inake thein higher, they say that you can get calicos cheaper than you ever could, that you can get woolen goods cheaper. Well, my friends, we are making things cheaper than we eyer could before; we are building railroads and telegraphs and everything else, and if the tariff does not make goods any higher, why do they want to keep the tariff on? They say the protectiye tariff makes goods cheaper, by stimulating competition. Perhaps this is what makes wooWower, heiace we better take the tariff off. My time is up and I thank you for your attention. (Applause.) CONOKE83MAN AIiLKN'S BXMABXS. Mu. Chaibman, Ladiks and Gentlemen: I regret exceedingly that the train wfaiob brought my frieud and oompetitor, Mr. Stearns, was late, as it neoeesitates shortening the time of our disonsaion, whioh woald have been very interesting bat for that. No man in the brief spaoe of time allotted oan begin to touch upan the skirts of the argument, mnoh less give a f nU and intelligent argument apon it; I am obliged to npeak at Aun Arbor to-night, aboot tbirty miles frotn here, and beoause my friend was dilatory in getting here, I am obliged to drive aoross the ooantry, instead of riding upon tbos palaoe oars he was tpeaking of, bnt I am going to Ann Arbor jast the same. I want to say, however, that I am not blaming him for the train being late; I imply blame him for not oomiDg down and taking dinner with me, as he onght. My f riends, the disoussion of this qnostion shoald oome to yon and me not as partisans; the man who oaDnot get above mere partisauship has no business in this ooantry. 'f here never existed questions of the mighty import of thie before; so if a man is going :o vote the demooratio tioket beoaase he alwaj'B bas, or the repablioan tioket beoansa be now does, then there is no use in baving disoassions. The qaestion for yoa to dooide jy jonr ballots, is far abova and beyond mere partisanBbip. It is a qaestion not alone what )s better for yoa, bat for me as well; and not only for Miobigan, bat for the entire United States as well; and we are not to oouüue ourselves in this disouasion to oor own narrow selves. I am obliged in referring to some of the points that my brother -ms made, to ask yoar attention oaref ally to Ihe poeition he hts taken. It is against a tarift' for proteotion. I am for a tariff for proteotion. (Applanse and cries of "Qood.") and it is for the Amerioan people to deoide at the coming election whioh of the two ?reat principies shall prevail in the Dnited States fqr the nexS qqarter of a oen;nry, whether that system woioh has existed sinoe 18G1 shall give way to thesystem whioh jrevailed in tbis oonntry from 1846 to 1861. '. t is for the people to say, and wbatever they say, every loyal and honest man will say Amen. (Applanse.) Now, Iet me ref er brief y to a few of the points that my brother made, beoaase it is of no earthly oonseqaenoe whether Stearns or Allen is eleoted to oongreRS to yoa; the qaestion is, What will they lo wben they get there? Now, I want to say o yoa, that my friend, whom I have btiown 'or yearB, and respect higbly, and who is a gentleman worthy of my esteem, or that of anybody else, if he had been in Washington representing the Seoond congressional disriot when the Mills bill was voted apon on ihe 21st day of July last, woald have voted 'or it. I voted against it. (ipplaase. ) And t is a qaestion for yoa to deoide, and in order to settle it intelligently we most look at a few of the groqnd. principies that oonrol the wtiqle nattet. Bof ore I do it, however, X want to ref er to one or two points nat my brother has made. As to bis slaps at millionaires, I have nothing to say; we woald all be millionairds if we could. As a matter of faot, my friends, the millionaires of Detroit, and there may be a good many of them, I do not know anythingaboat tbat, uit Detroit is a demooratio oity by aboot ive thonsand. ( Applaaie and langhter.) I do not know bot that is what makes millionaires (Applaate), bnt I do not believe it. Qeorge Washington was a rti;aüuire in his day-, that t, to eay, eómpáred to his neigh jors and friends, he bad inillions, for he died worth nearly a million dollars in landed es;ate; and yet no man will say that Qeorge Washington was a robber, and that is the word my brother ases; and the seoond law that George Washington, as president, ever signed bad a whereas, whioh atated that n order to pay the pnblio debt and sustain the poblio oredit and proteot Amerioan manafaotnres, thas and so; and bey paH-ed a tariU law. The seoond law hat was ever passed by the oongress of the Jnitsd States, was a tariff law, and in that ;arifi law it expresaly said tbat they mast iroteot the manaf aotarers of tiiis ooantry; do nqt sappose Qóorge Washington was a 'obber, or that th first oongrese was a robier. Bat tbat has beeu the prinoiple that ïas prevailed in this ooantry more or lees 'rom that day to tbis. Now, let me see- as [ get oíd, I get blind physioally, bat mentaly I am olearer than ever. (Langhter and applaase.) My friend says that taxes mast 30 equal to be jast; that ia true; nobody disputes a proposición ot' that plainneog. Bot ;he tariö is not a tas, as I will ahowyou, and [ might as well show it jast bere in the ilustration that he ases ot' my friend BowerInd. I do not know bat he hopes that Mr. Bowerfind is going to vote (or him, for advertising his basineSB, bat I teil yoa, my friend Bowerfind is not that kind of a man. (Applaase and langhter.; If Mr. Bowerñnd ooald have a law passed that every pound of oraokers ooming into the oity of Adrián shoold pay six oents a poand and he was the only man in Adrián aelling oraokers, he woald bave a bonanza. Bat the troable with my brotber's argument is right here, that if any saoh thing as tbat happened, Mr. Bowerfind woald have twenty competitors right in the oity of Adrián. (Applaase and langhter. ) And that is the effeot of a tariff always. If yoa do not believe it, look at this great ooqntry before yoa, and that settles the question. Now, then, woald that be a tax, that six oents a ponnd apon oraokers? If so, will yoa teil ine how it is that things to day are sold for less than the tariS apon them. A voioe- That is all republioau polioy. Mr. Allen- My friend, I want to say to yoa thtre are a large namber of demoorats and repablioans here, and ladies bs well, and if yoa oan not keep still, I want yon to go as far as yoa oan and go autil sqndown, and be a gentleman. (Applaase and laughter.) We will excase yoa at any moment and yoa may go. Now, then, jast let me prooeed withoat being interrapted again. My friend says that that illaBtrates the tariff. It does, only he Jid not teil the whol trath; he does not lie, he woald not do that; bat he did not teil the whole trath; if he did, he woald have atated that it was impossible for Mr. Bowerfind to oontrol the market at Adrián beoaase of the faot that oompetitors woald Bet themselves op ander tbose oonditions and woald oompel him to compete witb them, and the prioe woald go down; that would be the resalt. Now, then, another point that my friend raised here, I want to oall yoar attention to: he says the higher the tariff tax is, the less revenne yon get. What have we been talking abont for these many months? Have tbey not been telling yon that onr revenne was too big. Now, what will prevent the revenne from getting too big. He says the ' higher the tsx, the less the revenne. and tha is trae. (Applaase.) And, my friende, th convorae of that proposition is true. Th lower tho tarift', the higher the rovonue and it is an actual fact that whenever th taritt'inthis country has been redueec upon any artieles of necessity, that in stead of leas money going iuto the treasury, more went in, because more goods were imported; and my brother is exactly right when he says the higher the taz or tariö', the less the reveuue; and so we see that vinder the Mills bill, you will find more revenue coming iuto tiietreaaury ol the Uniöed States, than you have to-day. So that, as far as any reduction of the revouue is concerned, che bill is an entire liiilure. My brother also stated that the whole question is here: the president saya, tliere is too much surplus; he did say itin December; he said it was a standing menace to the country. He has had half-a-dozen standing menaces; he is a very good man, Mr. Cleveland is; I have nothing to say against him personally: but Mr. Cleveland does not know any more than any other man who had just as good opportunities as he has. Because he is president it does not follow what he says is any more true or any less true; we have got to judge .him by what he knows. Mr. Cleveland says there is too much surplus; that is true. How do they proprose to reduce it? My friend here stated the debt was out of the way, that the bonds were paid; he is mistaken in both cases. It is true that this administration for the first .eleven months never paid a single dollar of the public debt, and it is also true that from the time that Lee surrendered at Appomattox until Chester A. Arthur left the presideutial chair, there never was a month when the republican party did not pay tóward the public debt, and that is the difference. (Applause.) Mr. President Cleveland says there is too much surplus; he did not use it to pay bonds. Wheu he was asked by cougress this winter why he did not, he said he did not think the law justified him in taking that money to pay bonds; congress said they thought it did; but the funny thing about it all is this, that the same law and appropriatiou which authorizes Mr. Cleveland, or rather the president of the United.States, whoever he may be, to use the surplus and pay bonds, that same law made the salary of the president of the United Sta1 es flfty thousaud dollars. Mr. Cleveland said he did not think the law was sufficiently plain to authorize him to take mony to pay bonds, but der the same law Mr. Cleveland drew his tifty thousand .dollars and did not say a word about it. (Applause and laughter.) My brother tellsyouthát this taxation is robbery; he takes especial care also to teil you that the democratie party is not f'ree trade. If you take one of these briok buildings down here in your town and knook out a brick here and another there, aud half a dozen elsewhere, and take out a stone or two, from the cellar wall, you may go and say, Oh, no, I have not hurt that building, I am not in favor of taking that building down; yet, if you keep on, down it will come. What makes free trade? I once heard of a boy who cut his dog's tail off an inch at a time; asked why he did it, he said he did not want to hurt the poor fellow ao much as to take it all off at once.) Applause and laughter.) That is what they have done in tho bill that we have been flghting; they have taken every interest of the great state of Miohigan and put it upon the free list; they have taken lumber, salt, oopper, wool, and many vegetables raised in this state, not all of them but more than before and put them upon the free list. ís that free trade to that extent or not? What would you cali it? It is catting oö the dog's tail an inch at a time, I will admit, but it hurts you to-day and to-morrow it will hurt sornebody ëlse;" because do you suppose the farmers of this district are going to allow free wool, to submit to free wool, and at the same time allow woolen goods to be taxed forty per cent.? They can not do that; and the next tumble will be upon woolens and then something else will go, and the result will be, the whole policy of this government will change from prolection to revenue only, which is equivalent to free trade. That is what the uext eieotion is io settle, and when yon look about you to see wheih.er ycm have got a tag marked demoorat or a tag marked republican, let me say to. you. do not look at your tag at all, but deoide what is best for you and your oountry in the coming contest. Labor is the foundation of every indus;ry; ninety per cent. of all the money that is paid is for labor right out and out, and anything that disturbs these great industries strikes labor the very first thing. The mauufacturer of lumber means to take cajehimself; he will not run his mül at a loss and he will not run lis mili in competition that brings him no premium; and if he is obligad to do so, what will he do? In the flrsit place, he will say to the men wno. are working for : lim, I oan pay you only so much, ] and compete with the others. i Ah, but my frlend says, take your stuff over to Europe, and buy your stuff there and briag it over here and you will get more for your wheat by so doing l Why, mv friends, that is just what we I are fighting about. We say, instead of 1 aking your wheat to Europe ar(d sjetting ' your manufactured goods, thsre, that you j will take the sam.e wlieat and the same ! amount of corn ia this country and eat it ' up while they are making those j 'actured feoods for you here; that is what j we say. (Applause.) That is jnst the j question at issue, whether the laboring ' men of Europe shall make the thiugs 1 there, or whether the lauoring men of America shall make them here. A voice- Make them here. Mr, Allen- Oertainly; the best market ' n the world. Instead of looking for ' er markets, my friends, the shrewd men ' of the world are tryivg to get into your markets. But, my friend says, we can 1 ight it out on the question of free wool. i Right he is; that is what we are going lo i ight about. How much do you think 1 this district is iuterested in that wool I question, my friends, for I am coming right down to that; in the brief time en me, I shall be unable to say anything ] upon general propositions. Do you think i ;he farmer is interested in the Second : 'ressional district upon the wool ; tion? How many sheep do you think you have in this Secand congressional district? How many sheep have you in this eounty of Leuawee? Who is there here who will teil me? A voice - Eighty-six thousand. Another voice-One hundred and twelve thousand. Mr. Allen- Mv frieud says there are one hundred and twelve thousand sheep in Lenawee eounty. Wel', you are right, so far as you have gone, but you have not gone far enough; there are one hundred and forty-six thousand sheep in Lenawee eounty; there are thirty-eight thousand in Monroe eounty; there are one hundred and twenty-nine thousand in Hillsdale oonnty, and there are one hnndred eighty-six thousand in Washtenaw eounty, making in the four counties of this congressional district over flve hundred thousand sheep, there are in this district, exclusive of the lambs, exclusive of the spring lambs; over half a million sheep in these four couuties of the Second congressional district, in the year 1884, and the wool was two million, seven hundred and sixtytvfo thousand ponnds. Ah, the wool question is an important one for your congressman to eonsider, and if free wool is a good thing for you, you ought to vote for the man who will vote as you want, and don't you forget it; that is the issue between Brother Stearn9 and myself ; that is the issue in this congTessional district, and as he says, the only Issue. Now, then, my friend here says that free wool benefits the farmer. Mr. Milla says so, and I will read you vrhat he said tu Boston the i other night; I quote from the Free Press 1 of September 7th, and the paper eom1 monta upon his speech: "On the free wool questioii, Mr. Mills said that the democratie party is uot look Ing out for the sneep." Now, that Is truej Mr. MUI is from Texas; if he was ín Michigan running for congress it migtit be different; he would not dare to say to say that "the democratie party is not looking out for the sheep; wool will grow on the back of a sheep in the night as ia the day time; there is no labor in it at aU." ]No labor in it at all? Now, there is labor la raislng sheep. In the flrst place, you have got to invest your money; in the second place, you have got to care for your sheep for the flrst year before you realize; in the third place, you have got to shear your wool, and in the fourth place, you have got to market your wool; now, there is labor in raising wool? But my friend tells us that we want free wool. Mr. Mills says so, and he sa v so, 80 that you laboring men can get cheap clothiug. If that is true, will you teil me why Mr. Mills did not put woolen goods on th free list? If it is true that the tarlft' is a tax, that the man who buys the clothes has to pay, teil me why he keeps woolen goods at forty per cent. and at the same time pretenda that he wants to gt cheap clothes for the consumer? A voicc- What is the matter with raw material? Mr. Allen- Do you cali wool raw material? A voice - Of course, it is raw material. Mr. Allen- Well, my friend, you are not a farmer and do uot know aRything about it or about the labor that it coste; I have already proved that It is not raw material. Why, the people of the state of Michigan have paid milliena f dollars to improve their wool, and what has been the result? Why, they hare raised the average weight of the ñeeces in the Second congressional district, from three pounds to five and elght-teuths pounds right here In this congressional district. Do you think that has aot coat some money? To take the long, coarse wool, and by breeding and by eare, bring out the fine iieeced sheep that you kare got in this country now? I want to aak you another tbing, my friend, over there, you talk about raw material, you talk about being a friend of the laboring man, Who in God's world is it who works upon the raw material? Why, It is the very cheapest priced labor in the United States. (Applause.) And the very moment that you strike at raw material, you suike at the laboring men and the poorest paid laboring men ia this country, don't you? Why, who is it that take out the lron ore? It is not the man who runs the engine; is it not the man who is trained to a trade; he is the skilied mochanic; but the man who takas out tb iron ore is the man who piek away from day to day at the very hardest work, at work that requires less skill and consequently receives less pay; and henee, I say, that the men who bring out raw material, are the men who are at the rery bottom of the ladder, so fitr aut labor 1 concerned, and if you put raw material upon the free list, you strike at the labor of the very poorest men in this country. Is not that so? Talk about free wool? Why, my friend herejsays, that tha farmer does not get anything, because he has to buy his clothes back again; clothea are made in this country, and the men who are making the clothes are enting up the products of his farm. Is there a man here that does not know that a facto ry eatablished in a village or city enhances the value of the property of the farmer about the city. What makes farm property more valuable around the city of Detroit or Adrián than it is around some hamlet where there are no faotories? Becaus there jajai population that is eating pil theTárnier can raise; that is the only reason. Let us see: the farmer is not protected, he says, and therefiwe he puts wool upou the free list. He did it for the purpose of reducing the revenue, but he leaves it on sugar, and President Cleveland says that the tariff is a tax, and t is added to the oost. The Mills bUl lcaves sugar at sixty-eight per cent., and if it is true that he is correct, then for every dollar' s worth of sugar you buy, you pay sixty-eight cents of tariff. And to protect whom? Seventy thousami people who are engaged in that industry, in the state of Lousiana for the most part, while there are more people who are engaged iir the sheep industry, and the product in three hundred millien pounds per year in this country. Do you think that is an industry or interest that is worth looking after in this country, and especially in this Second congressional district? Will you teil me what justice there is in a tariff where it reduces seven per cent. oy taking it off from the industries ia the state of Michigan; you can reduce it down very easily by taking the tariff off of nearly everything and putting it on one thing; they have left rice at forty per cent. and sugar at sixty-eight per cent.; do not teil me that the Interest of Michigan are served by any such legislation as that. A voioe- Wbat is tht matter of whiskey ? Mr. Allen- Well, sir, yon agbt to knov. 'Applaase and laugbter.) And if yoa were a rentleman, whioh j ou are not, yon woald teep still. I want to y to jeu, iny frienás, bat tbe sabjeot of tbe taiiü pon wooi, ia ;he state of Michigan, yon are entirely 'amiliar witta. If yoa believe that f re wool a good thing, then yon want to vote tbe lemocratSo tioket, because that party beieves it so; if you believe that wool ought o be protected, there ia juat one thing or you to do, and that is, to vote for the )art,y that believes in protecting wool, vith other coinrnoditles. To be sure, rou never can iuake a tariff that will be ixactly equitable; it is iinpossible to do t, but it is not neoessary, in order to reluce the surplus to stab at every indusry in su.ob a state as Michigan. Look at the salt industries; why, they ïad to put salt upon the free list. How nuch does salt oost? You oan buy a barel ofsalt to-day at Bay City, weigbing wo hundrd and eighty pounds, for sixy cents, the barrel itself costing twenty euts. You eet your salt then for forty ;ents a barrel of two hundred and eighty xnmils in Bay City, and that is cheaper :hiin you can hire a. man to go upon the road and shovel up a barrel of dirt. And yet they must put salt upon the free list. Will it do you any good to do it? No, What effect will the rednction of the teriff on salt have upon the price? Not a single dollar. Why? Why, because it will siaiply allow imported salt to take what they paid before in taritf, and pay it to the railroad companies to carry it that much further in the country, in competitiou with American salt: that is all. You do not think they are going to give you the beneüt of that reduction, do you? Not at all. Why? Because they have not got eaough to control the jnarket; and they can not get enough any way to control the niarket. Why then should salt be left upon the free list and sugar be left at slxty-eight cents on the dollar, whenthe infantjust born and the dying octogeniarian both must have sugar; wben you eat a teacupful of sugar to a tablespoonful of salt; will you teil me, if they want to reduce the revenue and get things cheaper to the people, why they did not take this industry that is absolutely necessary to human Ufe and happiness, instead of salt and put it on the free list? I will teil you, because Louiaiaiia Is a democratie state; (Applause) that is tbe reason. Michigan is a republican state, and the Mills bill and the authors of the Mills bill have no more thought or idea of carrying Michigan than they have of carrying Vermont; consequently when tbey shaped the bril, they shaped the bid, they snaped it for the men in congress who couki come to them and say, I am a democrat, and if you strike my district I will give you- Ooudy. My friends, there are other questiooa here that my fxiend Stearns raised, whlolj Hrieiiil bere s;ii.l Bílatíorm is í'or revéPipublican platform is for PPThere s a diíferenoe of seven ■fltit. in the robbery; hou mueh wil] hat make to yon? Why, if the tariff is robbery, then any tariff is robbery; ir u is robbery to put a tariff upon wool anci itnported'goocls, it is robbery to put ït upon woo'eas; and yet they left it upon woolens and took it ott of wool, that they might have the free raw material, that does not oost anything as Mr. Mills says, beoause it grows itself, as Topsy did. (Applau3e and laughter.) I ask yon now, in conclusión, you men who are over fifty years oí ase, íbr these vouncer men never lived under any other svstem than that of taritf, tlus ycmng man who puts his lip in (which seems to be a little shaky,) who has iuterrnpted all the afternoon, is too younar to know anything about the old democratie tarifj; hut you older men, now, I talk to; I do not care what your politics are, but I ask you whether you do or not, to-day, buy every necessáry of life that you have to bnv, cheaper than you did before 1801? Voices- Yes, Yes. Mr. Allen- Every oue of yon knovvs vou now, I want to ask you men wlio are over fifty years of age, who used to work for a living bv the day, week or mouth- sorae of you inay do it yet, I want to ask you whether you do not get mor for yoür day's work by far than you did, before 18(1? Every man knows that he does. And I say to you that it is true tUat you oan get goods cheaper to day than ever before, and labor is better naid to-pay than ever before. Why? Why, beeause of competition betweeu the inanufacturer of American goods in the American markets; that is the reason; that is the reason and the ouly reason. But you are told, and my fiiend tells you, that the tariff is added to the cost. Is that true? You have got a great railroad here; it is laid with steel rails: the rails used to cost one hundred and sixty dollars a tou; there was no tariff upon them, but congress put a taritf of tweuty oight dollars a tou upon steel rails and the price has gone down until to-day, with a tariff of seventeen dollars, you can bur steel rai s for thirty-two dollars a ton. Is there anything to show for that. Why, ten thousand miles of railroad wera built last year in this country - three times across this miaihty continent, f rom oeeau to ocean ; more railroads than you could lay between the Atlantic and Pacific three times over were built this last year in the United States, giviug einployinent to thousands, and tens of thousands and hundreds of thousands of men wlio otherwise would be driven to dig the soil and compete with you farmers. (Applause.) Unless tbere had been a tarifr upou steel rails Englaud wosld have been making them to-day ; but the tariff stimulated and protected American industries. "Protection," that is the vord Washington used, and that is the word I use; the protection gave the American peop e a chance to build up their factories and go to work and make steel rails, with the result that I have shown you. The president says that the tariff is added to the cost. You can bny a keg of cut nails in the ;ity of Philadelpliia for two dollars per oae hundred pounds ; the tariff is one dollar and 1 twenty-Üve cents. Now, if the president is correct and the tarifl' is added to thö cost, if you take the tariff off this tteg of nails, you ought to buy it for seventytive cents. Can you do it? Was there a time you could ever do it? They are worth to-day, anywhere and everywhere in ths world, one dollar and rifty cents, and you can noc get them for any less. Is Üie tariff added to it ? Take another illustration. You go right to your own homes here and look at the calicos that you buy every day, the tarill' upon calicos is three and a half, four and six cents, uw-'ordiug to the quality, and you can buy the very best quality for hovv much per yard ? Eight or ten cents, can you not? You can buy a god article of cali eo fqtuftgu cents; t!ie taritf aptufethat beinjf aix cents, do you think if they took off the tariff you could get v.oui calicó for a cent a yard? (Applause.) Tariff simply does two things: It keeps things that va can make iu this country from comiug into this oountry in compeiition with our own shops and our own laboring men; that is the örst thing it does. And it stimulaies couip6titiou and supplies this groat market of ours, so that tbings are made at the very lowest margin of prorit, and tUat is thesecend thing it does. It is for you, my friends, by your v. te to say wbich of these two theories you believe in. There is no use of talk ing about mi lionaire, there ix no use of arraingirig them; the questoa is right before you and you are to settle it; you are doing no khuinesw to Mi. Stearns or myaelf te send ue to cougress, lor there is no money in it, if a man is horneet, and I knovv we are. and applause.) So ihat you need not stop to consider ns at all. The (Bestión for you to consider is wliich ystetn is best for this great country; the system that Washington and Jefíerson and Andrew Jacksou were in iavor of, or liie system which was made the fundamental law of the confedérate States of America i their eonstitution, when, by an article there, they absolutely forbad'e the levying of any tárirt' upon these goods at all. It is i'ree trade against protection; yon (!an not cali it by any other name awd be honest; and the peopleunderstand aswellas you or I do, thu to-day the (juestioü is between the tivo great conotnic principies- oue a tariff for revenue, the otht.r a tarilí thnt shall prootect the people of tf-e United State in manuf icturiug and raising thing that this great cjuntry is adapted for. The ropubliean party is in favor of letting into t.is country, absolutely free, everythiag that we c-innot raise or manufacture here; we üave done it too; we are in favor of protecling so that the ditterence between the labor f Enrope and this country shall o Into it as a factor; we are in favor of protecting to that extent, tilinga that are raised and things that ara minufactured in the United States. If some of these men that I see betore me to-day, could not have done better under a governmentwhere a tari-ff for proteciion has been the law since 1861, they would have stayed in their own country, because their skies are 8 fair, their suns are abright and their lands aro as fertile as t ïey are here; but they come to thi new world of hope and proinise, because of the fact that here labor is protected, labor is rewarded, ond labor is honored. (Applause.) To be sure, dishonest men and ui'jhonest companies will, in violation of law, import cheap labor from the old country; but because they do that. it does Bot tbllow that labor that is honest, that comes hr to beoome part and parcel f this gaeat goverument, nhould not cerne here and partake of our blessings. My fiiends. I must leave you, for I see the traiu coming; nd if possible I would like W take the train and get as far as Milau, which will save me at least nine milew; but I shall see you later in the campaign. My friend i or I can not do jHslice to thin subject to-day, bcause of the want of time, and I want to say to you that while I am down at WashingtoH attending t my business strictly, ttie best I know how, I m not get away to electioueer here, because if I did, very uaturally ysu would say I was more anxious to be in oongress. than I wa to attend to my duties after I was Blected. Consequeutlv, I must stay and "Hold the fort," but if 1 can get away between now and the first of November, I promise to talk to you again upou tuis gieat subject which should interest every persou in the United ütates. (Applause.) MR. STBARNS'S REPLY. I am very glad my distinguished friend klcked his own head off the lirst words he uttered. Ia his speech in congress, he warned congress asjainst the low tarilf that prevailed from 1840 to 1800, as the cause of the deuresaion of their country. Xoip, he says that the higher the tariff, tlïeiower the revenue; tuerefore, if it was a lo'w tarilf then, we ought to have had a kigh revennej and yet, he says, the country was 41 bankruptcy by reason of the low tariff (Liaugnter and applause.) Therefore, If there was an empty' tressury, it was not by reason of low tariff. My friend, as I expected, attaoks the mggmamaÊÊ ■-■■■■ i umi' IrnCTjiuTbut Mr. Allen has no business svith the Mills bilí; I do not propose to let him wear out the seat of his pante by sliding off that platform of theirs. Mr. Allen must stand on the platform for protection, for the retnoval of the tax on tobacco and whisky, and must not touch the other things. It is othing to him how inuch we take off sugar; it is enough for him to know that in congress ho was nsked to vote to take off twelve millions dollars from sugar and he said, "No, I ivill not take one dollar off." (Applause and laughter:) It is enough to know that he represented thls congressiorlal district and said to you that not a dolar will I take off iroin wool. butl will let yon buy your foreign wool and pSy the tariif and mix it with your own." My friends, there is something besides wool in the farmèr's mind in this district, and I want yon to uu derstand that while he is looking out tor a few old rams in the huckleberry marsh, he has altogethsr lost sight ofthe steers that are raising heil in the corn field. (Applau9e.) Talk about wanting them to eat up your wheat, why there are only so many mouths in this world that eau eat up your wheat, and we have fllled all there are here in this country, and had millions of dollars wortb of wheat to spare. We have fed all the men employed iu faetones and paid tor all the goods they could make, and paid them sixty per cent. tariff on them; and they could not manufacture enough goods then to supply the demand. He tells us about diotecting those things which we manufacture, and yet you must pay a high tariff' of sixty eigut per cent., and import forty-six million dollars inore of goods, trom foreign countries. Talk about protectinü American labor? American labor! Go up into your iuines where you have your American labor; twenty-seven thousand men to-day in the mines in the northern península will vote, and there are not three thousand of the twentyseven thousand who have been here three years. (Applause.) Whore does American labor get any protertiou? The poorest paid labor in the world, is in your mines and in your factories. But this claim that oroteciion, stimulates competition and makes goods chéapër, can be illustrated by the Bowerllnd matter, where I sliowèd he could put up the price ofgood8if he wished. He says, if Mr. Boweriind should do anything of this kind, there would other factories come in and lessen the price. Yes, and they woald then go to work and form a trust, and keep the price up; that's just what ihey would do, and just what protection would let them do. (Applause.) And tbpy would say to the people of Adrián, " Come down with your ducats," and I would just like to see what you would do about it ; th'at is a trust. And whennver the people are suffering from the thieving exactionS of a trust or monopoly, they cry out to congress, " Why don't you take the tariff off and buist them?" Mr. Blaine says that trusts are private affaire which thé president or nobody else has any right to touch. I say that the people have a right to touch these trusts, and you will see all the trusts which cannot exist except by a high protective tariff batiish under a modification of it. Mr. Allen said if I had been in oongress I would have voted for the Mills bill. He is right, I would have voted lor the Mills bi 1, if I had been there, with all' my heart. (Applause.) I would have voted tor it, hcause I believe in protecting American labor I Want to protect our unprotected labor; I want to protect otir blacksmiths, oor capenters, onr masons, our farmers, and every other mau in Uod's world; the farmers who work every day, and work more hours than any other ciass, and for them I should ghully vote. You talk about protecting American labor. You protect the goods, and then the men who have got the protection on the goods say, you can not get foreign goods in here, 'and then you pay American prices. 1 am for the American systom of protection which protects American labor; I am against the American system of protección which protects so lar as to take from your pocket or mine, a do'lar, and put it in the pocket of auother man. Now, my friend says that we did not pay any of the public dêbt along at first My friend says I would not lie abont anything, but I teil you if he was prosecuted for telling the truth to-day, he would liever be convicted. (Applause.) My recolleetion is that the public debt bas been steadily reduced, ever since the democratie party carne into power. ■ And here is one other 1' ttle thing I cali your attention to. The Mills bilí reduces the tariff on sugar, and the Mills bill in its various ramitications, reduces the tariff about flfty-six millions of dollars; it may not be perfect, but it is a better bill than the republican party have produced. I have said before, "The Mills bill may not be all that every one would like, but it is a bill in the direetion of rovenue reduction. It puts wool, salt and lumber on the tree list and saves a few millions of revenue and helps the consumer. It takos 12,000,000 off sugar, and it is not for my friend Allen to criticise the bil! because it was too little on sugar. He must be si ent on that poiiit. He is in no position to criticise. He must get right back on his platform and slav there. He advocates protection. The demócrata offered to take $12,000,000 otl sugar. It may not have been enough, but it is 812,000,000 my friends, and yet Mr. Allen says, 'Xot a dollar shall you take off' of sugar or anything else. Our platform is for protoction, and before we tiike a dollar from sugar, clöthiug, or Hiiything else, we will put the tarilf higher and remove all the revenue tax from tobáceo, ' whisky and oleomargarine.' That's the república national platform, and that's where na y frieud Allen must stand in this campaign." Now, Mr. Allen said that they let in everything free thut they did not make in this country. Mr. Allen kuew better whenhe made that statement, or ougkt to have knowu bettar. You kuow better, and wo know he ksows better. Why? Because we put tin plate on the free list, which is somethiug never made }n this country; we imported sixteen milliou dollars' wortb last, year by virtue of tliis American policy on the tariff. When you buy a pieceof tin plate or the smallest article of that kind, you arecompellec to pay the tarift'on it; but I do not want to answer mueh more of Mr. Allen's arguments, they are patent and plain to you, When a man says wool is not raw . material. I llave no further argument for that man. I want to iust cali your aitention to a fevT other industries in this country. 'ïhey put hides and pelts on . tlio free list; that was agaiuwt the far.ner's interest. And just look at cotton, that is on the free list. Let us see how putting wool nnon the free list would affect the manu facturera. The export last year of leather amountel to ten inillion four hundred aud tliirty thoasand dollars' worth; they exported fourteen miliion, nine bundred and twenty-nine thousand dollars' worth of cotton goods, aud they ex portod woolen goods to the value ot' nine hundred and niuety-three three thousand dollars. In other worrts, more than forty times as much cotton and Ie ither a they did wooleñ uroods. With tree wool, oof manufacturers could do more work and the mPii would be paid better wage8. Now, how about importa. The Impor s of cottou were twenty-nine mi lion, letü.er ten inillions, and woolen goods fortytour mïlllons ol' dollars, which produced a revenue of twenty-nine inillion dollars. That ougbt to answer the arguaient, my friends, and when you buy those goods, you pay that extraprice, and no amount of juggling eau get that out of the way, aud he hu not pull the wool over your oyes and hide these thiujjs from you. You made thirly miliion dollars by the protection ou your wool. You lost two hundred miliion dollars in the extra price paid tor other goods. Now, ray friends, beforè I close, I want to say this: Every industry and evory interest of tbis conntry appealed to Mr. Allen for help in eongress. The farmers sent an appeal for relief from Ihe burdens of taxaliori which was eating up sixty-eight per cent. of their profits. He turned a deaf ear to them, ex'C)t he said, I will try and keep tht; tarill' on wool. The workiiiKinen put up their hands to him and said, we want relief trom these burdens, and "he turned a deaf' ear to them aüd said, "why, periiaps 1 uau give yo. penny postage, hut I can do nothing t( help labor." The great industries ot Adrián all petitioned for Mr. Allen's help. The Barnes manufacturing oom-. pany petitioned him to have the tariiï' on lamber, glass and burlats removed, so that they could make their furniti re cheaper, and pay better wagos to their employés. --"SThe canning faotorles, the three lead ing industries of Adrián, asked that thf tarifl' on tin piale be remover] mul he refusod to hear thetn: The great editorial power of the city oí' Adrián, my friend Mr. Applogate, the man who made Allen, for he is the man who elected Allen, and the man who stood by him and börè him up - got caught betvveen the upper nether mili stone of aprotectod monopoly on the type business. The sciews of the presa went whirling down üpon the pintes fair.ly cfushing him between them, and In his extremitv he appealed to Allen tbr aid and exclaimed, '-Allen, Allen, help me from this type monopoly." And Allen says, "Torn, I eau not' help you or give you any relief in tho tvpe matter, but I will give you one of Moreland Bros. & Crane's fiero plug chews, free." (Applause and laughter.) And then a litlle later there was another wreneh of the sorew, and another advanee in type, and they were cnishing Applegnte ilatter and flatter, f air 1 y 'iïying the fat" out of him, and as he wiped the blood from his brovv, in his agony, heappeared to Allen and exclaimed, "Is there no man in congrega with courage and manhood enough to moi-e to put type on the fto list, and Allen said. "You go to the devil. (Applause and laughter.) Xow, my friends, that is the issue before us; and I want to say to you that there shall go up to him anindignant protest from the farmers and worUiugmen of this district, and from the hammer of the carponter, from the anvil of the blacksmith, from the trowel of the mason, will ring back to his ears that protest against a system of taxation that roos them, to build up the lamber king, the coal king, the iron king or the monopoly king, even at the bidding of the great unorowued king, Biaine. At the close of the Britton debate, Wn Pulver of Dundee, who had sat on Ihe platform during the speeches, arose and said, "Ladies and gentlemen, I want t.o say a few words. The trouble vvith this man (pointing to Stearns) is that he don't like a unión soldier, he don't like the men who fought in the last war, and stood by the flag. He doesn't like to see these coats of blue. This little badge of the G. A. R. veterans does not look well in nis eyes. He don't like to see them," and here Pulver turned the lapel of' his coat to the audience, showing the bronze button that is usually worn by the old veterans. Comprehending the situation at a glance, Mr. Stearns sprang to his feet, quickly moved to Pnlver's side, and turning the edge of his coat in full view of the audieme, disclosing the buttonbadge, said, "VVhat's the matter with this one comrade? The eiï'eot can be better imagined than described. There was a perfect tumult of applause from the democrats, and Pulver, after glancing at the button, turned to go away, but Stearns grasped him by the hand and exclahrred, "Comrade the bond that unites the veteran soldiers of the late war in one grand brotherhood are too strong to be bi-oken by political feeling and whether elected or defeated, if ever I oan do you a íavor, restassured I shall be glad to do it." Pulver hurried away, got into a sulky, and amid the jeers of hundreds, left a cloud of dust as he hurried tovvard Duudee. The Times report of Mr. Stearns' speech at Britton was so far from correct, that we are altnost constrained to believe it was purposely fearbled. Every possible chance to obscure a point or rob the argument of its iorce was accepted, and in justice to him and to the party, we reproduce it shorn of a portion of its errors. The fact that the republicans used it as a supplefnent íor all the republican papers of the district is evidence that the speech was nol intended to be correct.