Press enter after choosing selection

The oatmeal trust is dead. The Bohemian ...

The oatmeal trust is dead. The Bohemian ... image
Parent Issue
Day
13
Month
February
Year
1891
Copyright
Public Domain
OCR Text

The oatmeal trust is dead. The Bohemian oat swindlers are likewise dead. Michigan will have one more congressman af ter 1892 and one more electoral vote, but the republicans need not rejoice over this fact. John L. Sullivan, the prize fighter, has been suspended from the order of the Elks, as a person "unworthy to associate with gentlemen." Senator Blair will drop out of politics with the close of thissession. His successor, Gallinger needn't be much of a man to malee Blair's retirement the country's gain. France is about to increase the tax upon American pork in retaliation for the McKinley bill. The McKinley bill restricts the markets of the farmer and increases the price of what he has to buy. The republicans are striying to repudiate McKinleyism and take up with reciprocity. It is a step in advance. But if it is a good thing to enlarge our trade with Brazil, why isn't it a good thing to enlarge our trade with Germany? The farmers' alliance of Ohio demand that "our national legislation be so framed in the future as not to build up one industry at the expense of another." This is a direct blow at the McKinley bill and is right in line with what the Argus has been advocating. The legislature should perfect the booth system of voting and further guard the secrecy of the ballot, while permitting the counting of votes to be done in a speedier manner. The secret system of voting is a great boon to the democracy. It does away with blocks of five. Grover Cleveland, at a recent banquet, in responding to a toast, True Democracy, thus defines the democratie faith: " These principies comprise equal and exact justice to all men ; peace commerce and honest friendship with all nations - entangled alliance with none; the support of the state governments in all their rights; the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor; a jealous care of the right of election by the people; absolute acquiescence in the decisión of the majority; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expenses; the honest payment of our debts and sacred preservation of the public faith; the encouragement of agriculture and commerce as its handmaid, and freedom of religión, freedom of the press, and freedom of the person." George L. Yaple has decided to discontinue his contest for the seat of Burrows in Congress. In a letter withdrawing he States that he had been assured by those on whom he had a right to rely, that indisputable evidence of fraud and illegal voting would be furnished. He now says : " I have carefully examined the proof adduced, and, in my judgment, they are not sufficient to justify me in proceeding with the contest. In politics, as well as in everything else, conscience should justify our action. The thing to do is that which in our conscience is morally right, and we should always have the courage to do it, regardless of consequences. The question is, not whether I can secure the office, but whether I am honestly entitled to it." Brave and true words these. This is the kind of a man of whom the democracy of Michigan is justly proud. The railroads in this state escape paying a large proportion of their taxes. They should be assessed upon their property as all other property is assessed. But instead of that they are assessed upon their capital stock without regard to the value of their property. The tax upon their capital stock is three quarters of one per cent and it goes to the state. Railroad property in this state is valued at $550,000,000, on which a tax of about #640,000 is paid. The other property of the state is assessed at $ 945, 540,000 anc are taxed for over L20,000,000. I the railroads were assessed at only two-thirds their value and paid taxes the same as individuals or other cor porations, their taxes would amount to about Í8, 000,000 or more than twelve times as much as they do now. Why should our laws be so framed that the Vanderbilts and Jay Gould are not compelled to pay as much taxes as the poor man whose solé possession is his home. In 1790 only three per cent of the population of this country lived in towns of 8,000 or over, while in 1890 over thirty per cent do. Referring to this fact the Louisville Courier Journal says: Russia in Europe, with an area two-thirds of our own, a greater population and an ancient settlement, has only four cities of 200,000 inhabitants or over, while we have sixteen. Germany, with 250 inhabitants to the square mile, has only eight cities of 200,000 inhabitants or over, and France, with an almost equal density of population, has but four such cities. No European country has more than one city of a million inhabitants or over; we have three. In fact, all Europe, with her 400,000,000 people, has but four cities of a million inhabitants or upward, while with only 63,000,000 inhabitants, we fall but one behind. Mr. Hamilton feared that we should be farmers only; now it seems that we should apprehend ceasing to be farmers at all. A stalwart yeomanry is the true bulwark of a nation. It has been shown again and again in history that the masses of people in great cities are volatile and unstable, lacking in patriotism, and unfit to support a wise and pure Government. The city may be the best place to use them, but the finest types of muscle and brain are almost invariably furnished by the country. The source of supply should be maintained as large as possible. We should consume the interest only, and not draw upon our capital. If the country is drained to popúlate the cities decay is sure to set in. The Detroit Tribune recognizes the folly of the republicans continuing to fight on old issues and in recognizing this folly takes away the reason most men who are republicans urge for being republicans. The Tribune says: "The Tribune may doubtless be permitted to express its candid belief that there is no further profit to the republican party in training lts campaign guns upon the incidents in the past history of the country and the subject of much contemporaneous republican oratory enumerated below: 1. The war of the rebellion. The war is over. 2. The solid south. The ' túnate condition of things in that! section does notproperly give license ! to demagogie appeals to prejudice ; in the north. 3. The bloody shirt. The day of this garment's usefulness as a political argument has gone by. 4. The Cobden club. The aboo of British gold in American elections has been seen so often that it doesn't frighten anybody now. One logical argument for the protective policy is worth ioo columns of invective against the free trade campaign fund. 5. The Rebels in Congress. Every one of these men was restored to the full privileges of citizenship with the sanction of the republican party, expressed in its national platform and given effect by the acts of its representatives in the national legislature. But a great many republican orators do not know the history of the republican party. There are someother stock tirades and epithets in common use by the hiredcampaignersofthe party, which might be included in a list like the above." In all this we agree with the Tribune. And on the live issues of the day, the democrats have clearly the best of it. The Courier may read with profit, the utterances of its state party organ. The Springfield Republican is engaged in waging war on the free pass in Massachusetts. lts remarks are just as pertinent in this state. There is no need of waiting upon the order in which the free pass shall jo - let it be dismissed at once, anc without effort to compromise with what is essentially an impropriety. The highest railroad officials in the state are convinced that any onewho should tender free pass to our judges would receive a severe rebuke for lis pains. Why so? Because our udges would resent such an attempt o influence the court. That is the VLassachusetts Standard, though a ower one may prevail in some other states. In the set terms of our constitution the legislative body is styled "the General Court of Massachusetts," thereby characterizing the Legislature as a judicial body to which the people can appeal. Now all applicants to that court should stand on an equal footing, and this cannot be the case if the members of such a body accept special favors from corporations. The free pass has the effect which might be expected to flow from its distribution, for it serves to give railroad corporations an advantage over the individual. This is recognized by the companies themselves when they admit the desirability of cutingoff free passes, but are restrained by fear of the consequences from acting according to their convictions. The abolition of free passes would introduce the strongest possible incentive to more faithful and continuous attention to the work of legislation, and this would lead to shortersessions. The politicians of all shades, including the professional labor agitators, have been able to head off for the present the popular demand for biennial sessions, and it remains to make these yearly gatherings as efficiënt and brief as possible. To this result the outlawing of railroad passes would powerfully contribute. There is no room for j doubt on this point, and our legislative reporter is entirely right when he says: " If the members were obliged to stay in Boston or to travel home and back at their own expense, they would hold longer and more frequent hearings; they would act more expeditiously on . the floor; they would pay more strict attention to their business generally and they would go home for good much sooner. No reform measure for short sessions would be more drastic than putting members upon their own expense for travel."