Press enter after choosing selection

The Veto Message

The Veto Message image
Parent Issue
Public Domain
OCR Text

We publish this document to-day on ac count of Ihe great importance of the subjecti and the relatioa t ha ars to our nationa affaire. It wil! be seen that the Presiden thinks he cannot conscient iously sign thi bilí, but intímales ihat he will bnnj forwarc u plan of a Fiscal Agent at the next seasior which will suit him . Whetlier it will meet the desirns of those who liave Jabored for a United States Bank, we think is fully determined by bis decided opposition to their views as exprcssed in the two messages. Such being the case, althongh a Bank, or a Fiscal Agent may be eetablished at the next session of Congress, it is obvious that it will be far from meeiing the views of those who have supported the plans already rejected. The only way tlien, in which such an ioeütution as they wish can succeed, s by putting it through bolh House of Congress by a vote of two thirds. Such a vote cannot be liad during this presiidenlial tsrm. We apprehend also that in New Eiiglánd and New York ihere is a growing indifference to the existence of 6uch au institution amoDg those who formerly advocated its claimá? We conccive, theo, that fpr the present, if not far the future, the question of a great National Bank, of discount and exchange must be laid aside. With regard to the effect of this result upon the national politics we are nof now prepared to speculate. Ve wish ralhcr to cali atteñtion to the fact thie "great interest" is, for the present, disposed of. Many of our friends who had been known for years as decided abolitionists, ■ feit last year, that they must, for this once,' vote the whig nomination in order to secure the eafety of those other great interests which that party advocated. They were succeesful, and the old administntion, which they conceived had been disastrous to the country, wag removed, and the other great interests which they had in view, have received the attention of a session of Congress called for that expresa purpose. The SubT-reaeury has been repealed. The dislribuLionof the proceeds of the public lands has jeen placed on a permanent footing, and a LJcneral Bankrupt law has been passed, r'hose influence will exteml to the retnotestparts of the Ünion. A Fortificalion bilí has aleo been passed, providing for the defence of the country, while provisión has been made for the supply of the necessary expenses of the Mation. These great mterests, then, have received tho attention uhich they ileeerved, and havo been finally disposcd of. Now wo come to our Whig abolition friends once moro, after the expi'ation of a year, and, ask them if they are prepared to go with us in support of the principies of liberty. Their great pecuniary interesls have been preserved and settled, and whal frow sball hinder them from attending to their own rights and those of the slave? - This same Whig Congress, whicli promiscd to defend the right of pent ion, has carried il8 outiages ujjon tfarther than any preceding one. Frora injuring a few it has proceeded to assault the the rights of all. Does this fact entitle the party to the confidence and support of the friends of liberty? The threala of the slavehnlders to persist to the last extremity in resisling the right of petilion,and all measures for the removal of the abominations of the National District, and the stand recentJy taken by thera in reforencc to the appointment of Northern men to office, cali íoudly upon all whigabolitionists to determine whether they will longer continue to vote for a party which is obh'ged to do the bidding of the slave power, in order to retain itsascendency. We venture ths prophecy, that this cali will be responded to at the present time. On account of the settlement of those pecuniary n(er- Este which were formerly dear to them, and ilso because of the pro-slavcry policy of the Juminant party, mnny who Jast year votcdwith the Whigs will now join the Jiberty party with a hearty good wiU, and those who will not do do so, who have forraerly been reckoned among abolitionists, will become hardened in heart, and for the sake of a mess of political pottage will eell their consciencoB, and their reputaüon for love of liberiy, and identify themselves with those who valué human nglits far less than party or pecuniary interests, and among whom they uught always to have remained. To all Whig or Democratie abolitionists who have hitherto acted with those partics, we would propose this ir.quiry: Have you nnyreasonto expect that the party with whichyou act will be reformed and become a Liberty party, so that the rights of men will receivo tf.atconsideration and protection froni those parlies which their iinportanc demanda? If this cannot be expected it folows at once, that you support a pro-slavery party, and oppose an anti-slavery one: and how long can you do this, and be an abolitionist? Let it be distinctly remembered that íhat he who now votes with eitlier of the great partios, votes against equal rights; - against a Liberty party, and against having eqnal and exact justice rendered to all men. A moment'? consideration wilt convince any one that lilis declaralion is neither harsh nor untrue. VVhicli party is prepared to do, í qual justice to all the inhabitants of this State] Neither. Which one clares toadvoI cate a jury trial for all our colored citizens? 1 Neither. YVJiich oue g for the abolition of . slavery in the National District? Neither' And yet ehall arj anlishvery man be found acting with such partios, and at the samo ■ time opposing a Liberty party wiiich advocates these measures? If such an ant. slavery man exisls in the State, let him forever abjure the name, and take one more congen■ ial to his practice. In tlie remarks we havo made ubove, respecling the Whig aboiitioniats, we shall not be understood as conceding the correctness of their principies, or that any combinaüon of pccuniary distresses is a sufficient reason for doing wrong, or that they .vere not to blarne for votinga proslavey ticket last fall. We have merely asqumed theground taken by tliemselves, and have demonstrated,from their oivn showing, that if they intend to uct for the cause of human rights, they have no longer any excuse; the supposed eificacy of their former pleas having all passed away, and that they must leave their imaginary nuutral territory, and henceforth appear before the world, as voting aboütionists, or voting pro-slavery partizans.OJThe Michigan State Journal begins to '■ advocate the principies of the Liberty party. VVUness tbe folio wing noble sentiment in tbe last paper"We teil you, Jacobins, that the kigiits of ien are not emply abstractions or idle words for demagogues to win power with. But subslantial and living realilies, com[ribirig a!l Icgitimate means and securilics whiclienable peoplc t improve Iheir condition in th3 world,and exemption from all unnecessary dangerous temptations whfch might peril their imortal well being." We hope tje Editor, having discovered that the righta of men are realilies, will support the "legitímate means and securities" which will enable all the people to "improve their condition." Suppose the Journal should advocate "the legitímate eecurity" of a trial by jury to all the colored people of this State, and no Jonger treat the eubject as an "euipty abstraction."